The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.
The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party:
continuity, innovation and renewal
The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español –
PSOE) was founded in Madrid in 1879. It was the largest party on the left
during the Second Republic (1931–36), and provided the Republic with two
prime ministers during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Largo Caballero
(1936–37) and Juan Negrín (1937–39). Brutally repressed by the Franco
regime (1939–75), the PSOE almost disappeared as a significant politicalforce within Spain. Nevertheless, under the
This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.
the concept of public
opinion as a politicalforce in France was first raised in about 1750
in discussion on the controversy over the refusal of the sacraments
to Jansenists,7 the formulation of that idea does not mean that public opinion as a politicalforce had just arrived. As we have seen, the
politico-religious events in late-seventeenth- and eighteenth-century
England (for instance the Sacheverell affair) and the furore surrounding the oppression of Jansenists in France in the decades before 1750 are ample proof of the earlier existence of public opinion
itself in many new ways. Following Britain’s
example, governments attempted to promote trade through international exhibitions modelled on the first world’s fair, the Great Exhibition in London in
1851. Pope Pius IX transformed Catholicism into a transnational, centrally
administered politicalforce to resist liberalism and anticlericalism. With the
First International, Marx and his followers attempted to promulgate socialism worldwide.3 But universalism could also be found on a smaller scale in
the standardisation of weights and measures, free postal traffic and the
symbolising strength in unity. The movement was initially based on the
nationalist groups ( facsi ) which emerged during and after the First
World War and which were largely composed of ex-servicemen and claimed to be
a new politicalforce to rejuvenate tired nations made decadent by
liberalism and democracy. Indeed, it might be claimed that fascism is the
only genuine twentieth-century ideology.
As an analytical term
at the disillusioned voters of ‘Middle England’.
The Conservative Party’s survival as a significant politicalforce was now
open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws.
John Major resigned as Conservative leader immediately after the election
and a number of potential successors lost their seats in the landslide. By
electing William Hague as leader, Conservative MPs handed the daunting
challenge of restoring the fortunes of a shattered party to the youngest and
least experienced of the leadership candidates.
principles and the granting of a degree of toleration
concomitant with social order and loyalty to the state.
In so far as these ideas found
practical expression, they did so through the Whig Party that emerged as the
dominant politicalforce in the eighteenth century. For the Whigs,
‘rights’ were applicable to all freeborn Englishmen. These
rights were embodied in the Act of Settlement (1688) and the Bill of Rights
Changing meanings of the countryside in northern Italy
citizens in terms of ‘culture’ and values.
Perhaps the most significant development that had an impact on conceptualisations of the countryside at different levels of the national community was the advent,
in the Italian political arena, of the regionalist politicalforce known as the Lega Nord
(Northern League). When it came to the fore it contested the idea of national identity and the legitimacy of a State seen as corrupt (Diamanti 1996; Giordano 2000).
It presented itself as populist in that it purported to recreate a lost ‘authenticity’ and
a traditional ‘community
other politicalforce: blacks themselves needed to create their own
autonomous organisations, free to operate as they saw fit. This shift in
Padmore’s thinking caused a more respectful position on Marcus
Garvey to evolve – though both he and James were vociferous in
condemning Garvey’s conservatism during the outbreak of strikes
and riots in the Caribbean in 1937 and 1938. 13 More importantly it took Padmore