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Discourses, contestation and alternative consumption
Roberta Sassatelli

chap 8 13/8/04 4:24 pm Page 176 8 The political morality of food: discourses, contestation and alternative consumption Roberta Sassatelli Anthropology and sociology have been keen to show that consumption is a social and moral field, and that consumer practices are part of an ongoing process of negotiation of social classifications and hierarchies. Food consumption in particular has been associated with symbolically mediated notions of order (Douglas and Isherwood 1979). We know that particular foods are identified with annual festivities, set apart for

in Qualities of food
Open Access (free)

This book explores the new applications of established theories or adapts theoretical approaches in order to illuminate behaviour in the field of food. It focuses on social processes at the downstream end of the food chain, processes of distribution and consumption. The book reviews the existing disciplinary approaches to understanding judgements about food taste. It suggests that the quality 'halal' is the result of a social and economic consensus between the different generations and cultures of migrant Muslims as distinct from the non-Muslim majority. Food quality is to be viewed in terms of emergent cognitive paradigms sustained within food product networks that encompass a wide range of social actors with a wide variety of intermediaries, professional and governmental. The creation of the Food Standards Agency (FSA) and the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) occurred at a juncture when perceptions of policy failure were acknowledged at United Kingdom and European Union governmental levels. The book presents a case study of retailer-led food governance in the UK to examine how different 'quality logics' actually collide in the competitive world of food consumption and production. It argues that concerns around food safety were provoked by the emergence of a new food aesthetic based on 'relationalism' and 'embeddedness'. The book also argues that the study of the arguments and discourses deployed to criticise or otherwise qualify consumption is important to the political morality of consumption.

The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia
Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha

discourse of the Herero–​Nama genocide has mainly focused on the politics of the victims’ ‘unsettled memory’ and the legacy of ‘embedded history’ between Namibia and Germany: apology, restitution and redress for the victims.5 However, none of the existing literature has explored the tension and divide that the return of the skulls has ­created between the local customary rites, on the one hand, and the political morality of the Namibian and German governments on the other. In particular, difficulties emanating from the disappointment of the Namibian delegation (which will

in Human remains in society
Ciarán O’Kelly

business. People are not just civic nationalists – they also exist beyond nationalism. Notes 1 R. Goodin, Motivating Political Morality (Oxford, Blackwell, 1992), p. 27. 2 R. Goodin, B. Headley, R. Muffels and H.K. Dirven, The Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Cambridge, Cambridge

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Ian Carter

Some theorists think that if am not free to do x then I am unfree to do x. Others deny this, saying that one might be neither free nor unfree to do x. See, respectively, H. Steiner, ‘Freedom and Bivalence’, in I. Carter and M. Ricciardi (eds), Freedom, Power and Political Morality. Essays for Felix Oppenheim (London, Palgrave, 2001); Kramer, The Quality of Freedom , ch. 2

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
David Boucher

, Affluence and Morality’, p. 232. 6 G. Graham, Ethics and International Relations (Oxford, Blackwell, 1997), p. 136. 7 Singer, ‘ Famine, Affluence and Morality’, pp. 231–2. 8 R.M Hare, Essays on Political

in Political concepts
Cécile Laborde

of the French republic. In the early years, however, there was a debate between what we would now call ‘political’ and ‘comprehensive’ liberals. The former hoped that laïcité, if construed strictly as a principle of political morality, could be endorsed even by non-liberals – such as traditional Catholics. The challenge was then to define a non-religious moral alternative to religion, which would nonetheless be acceptable to religions. In the words of the sociologist Emile Durkheim, laïque morality should ‘seek to capture the truth inherent in every religious or

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Jeremy Waldron

the falsity of any theory that contradicts it. It must itself occupy, that is, all the logical space that its content requires. . . . A neutral utilitarian cannot say that there is no reason in political morality for rejecting or dishonouring [the Nazi’s] preference, for not dismissing it as simply wrong, for not striving to fulfill it with all the dedication that officials devote to fulfilling any other sort of preference. For utilitarianism itself supplies such a reason: its most fundamental tenet is that people’s preferences should be weighed on an equal basis in

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Nancy Fraser

. Recognition, however, seems at first sight to belong to ethics, as it seems to require judgments about the value of various practices, traits, and identities. It is not surprising, therefore, that many deontological theorists simply reject claims for the recognition of difference as violations of liberal neutrality, while concluding that distributive justice exhausts the whole of political morality. It is also unsurprising, conversely, that many theorists of recognition align themselves with ethics against morality; following the same reasoning as their liberal counterparts

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies