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This book provides an account of the University of Manchester's struggle to meet the government's demands for the rapid expansion of higher education in the 1950s and the 1960s. It looks at the University's ambitious building programme: the controversial attempts to reform its constitution and improve its communications amid demands for greater democracy in the workplace, the struggle to retain its old pre-eminence in a competitive world where new ‘green field’ universities were rivalling older civic institutions. The book tells the story, not just from the point of view of administrators and academics, but also from those of students and support staff (such as secretaries, technicians and engineers). It not only uses official records, but also student newspapers, political pamphlets and reminiscences collected through interviews.

Open Access (free)
‘Commonwealth’ politics under George I, 1714–22

, thus be given full rights of citizenship.21 This ambition of establishing a tolerant and rational civic culture was taken even further in Toland’s most successful political pamphlet, The State anatomy of Great Britain (which went through nine editions in 1717) and its supplement The second part of the State anatomy (two editions, 1717). Published in the first three months of 1717 both works were enormously popular.22 Toland had spent the previous two decades of his life trying to persuade both the public and the political elite of the merits of fundamental reform

in Republican learning

their case within the Romano-canonical tradition, which was marked by ample possibilities of supplication. The particular kind of provocationes (the ‘precautionary’ appeals) which completed the initial procedures were entreaties against future harm, and these had come to be employed, not infrequently, in the late thirteenth century in cases with political overtones.16 The accusations against the pope were, thus, elements within a jurisprudential framework. They should not be read as though they were elements of a political pamphlet or as though they formed part of

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700

his room indicated he blamed the incompetence and greed of physicians for much of his misery.3 He was bedridden for over a month but his friends and patrons did what they could to make him comfortable. Their concern was genuine.4 Even while confined to his bed he continued to write. He drafted a work against the incompetence of physicians and a political pamphlet for the OLAND 1 1 MUP/Champion_01_Intro 1 27/2/03, 10:09 am Introduction coming election. Completion of the latter work, attacking the dangers of mercenary parliaments, was interrupted only by his

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
Protestant liberties and the Hanoverian succession, 1700–14

polemical political pamphlets, composed between 1701 and 1705 when his 124 MUP/Champion_06_Ch5 124 27/2/03, 10:21 am Protestant liberties connections with Shaftesbury and possibly Harley, entangled him in the dayto-day exigencies of party politics. Second, and perhaps more importantly, he also promoted his vision of a republican monarchy by acting, almost singlehandedly, as a publicist for Sophia of Hanover. Dedicated to William III, ‘supreme magistrate of the two most potent and flourishing commonwealths in the universe’, The art of governing by parties (1701

in Republican learning
The Druids and the origins of ancient virtue

Shaftesbury he published his patron’s works without his permission. For Harley he ghosted political pamphlets. His relationship with Eugene of Savoy was premised upon the exchange of clandestine literature. In all of these transactions Toland’s literary skills were used for political ends. In the last five years of his life, he achieved the high-point of his political influence through his liaison with Molesworth. The erudition, literary skill and political intentions displayed in works like the Specimen acted to establish his credentials within this milieu. Toland was

in Republican learning