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All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.

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Cultural identity and change in the Atlantic archipelago

The concept of 'margins' denotes geographical, economic, demographic, cultural and political positioning in relation to a perceived centre. This book aims to question the term 'marginal' itself, to hear the voices talking 'across' borders and not only to or through an English centre. The first part of the book examines debates on the political and poetic choice of language, drawing attention to significant differences between the Irish and Scottish strategies. It includes a discussion of the complicated dynamic of woman and nation by Aileen Christianson, which explores the work of twentieth-century Scottish and Irish women writers. The book also explores masculinities in both English and Scottish writing from Berthold Schoene, which deploys sexual difference as a means of testing postcolonial theorizing. A different perspective on the notion of marginality is offered by addressing 'Englishness' in relation to 'migrant' writing in prose concerned with India and England after Independence. The second part of the book focuses on a wide range of new poetry to question simplified margin/centre relations. It discusses a historicising perspective on the work of cultural studies and its responses to the relationship between ethnicity and second-generation Irish musicians from Sean Campbell. The comparison of contemporary Irish and Scottish fiction which identifies similarities and differences in recent developments is also considered. In each instance the writers take on the task of examining and assessing points of connection and diversity across a particular body of work, while moving away from contrasts which focus on an English 'norm'.

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All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Is development aid too low, income tax too high, pornography violence against women, or mass bombing unjust? Any response to topical questions such as these involves developing a view of what individuals are entitled to, what they owe to others, the role of

in Political concepts
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Why exhume? Why identify?

quite often to have already taken a political position. A study of the lexicon used in countries where the exhumations took place, lexicons which may differ depending on the agents (vernacular terminologies, technical or scientific nomenclatures, or classifications emanating from religion, poetry, or slang), could open up new vistas for research in this regard. The translation of these terms, by experts in both forensic medicine and law, but also by researchers who study these social facts, thus deserves to be given attention and fully analysed insofar as words seem

in Human remains and identification
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context, different stakeholders are using a range of experts and cherry-picking the claims or counterclaims that support their own political position. There are enduring debates about the status of expertise, and calls to acknowledge the status of lay experts (Wynne, 1992). These have in turn informed wider debates about opening up and democratising discussions involving scientific knowledge and public policy matters. Science cannot function, argues the political philosopher Stephen Turner (2003), without some monopolisation of expertise. He therefore suggests that it

in Science and the politics of openness
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his political position in Serbia. The Albanian response was initially non-violent. A semi-clandestine parallel society and political life developed in Kosovo despite intermittent pressure from the Serb authorities. By the late 1990s, however, non-violent protest began to give way to armed Albanian resistance to what was seen as Serb oppression. This manifested itself in the emergence of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
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Between political controversy and administrative efficiency

dependent on the politicians at the head of government being able to put the machinery of government to effective use (Figure 17.1). The latter has sometimes been regarded as a very smooth, ‘Rolls Royce’ operation. At times, however, this Rolls Royce has been described as having a lunatic at the wheel, as dogmatic political positions have been adopted on the substance of European policy. The latter situation has been most likely to occur when ‘parliamentary arithmetic’ makes the House of Commons a key veto point in the formulation of European policy. Thus, we have argued

in Fifteen into one?

processes of social divisions: ‘the process of differentiation (and identification)’ and ‘the process of positionality’ (Anthias, 1998: 511). The first refers to the way in which people are placed (and place themselves) in social categories. The second refers to the way in which the relationships between categories, within particular social divisions, are hierarchically constituted. Furthermore, oppositional dualist thought inhibits the possibility of recognising complex political positions that involve more than one form of hierarchy. In dualist opposites, one is valued

in Changing anarchism
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Crossing the margins

concept of ‘margins’ denotes therefore geographical, economic, demographic, cultural and political positioning in relation to a perceived centre. One aim of this book, however, is to move away from rather than replicate this core/periphery model – to question the term ‘marginal’ itself, to hear voices talking ‘across’ borders and not only to or through an English centre. Even as a reclaimed term, the idea of ‘marginality’ still appears to give some priority to a notional centre; while this has some bearing on historical and geographical structures of power, it can also

in Across the margins
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Passion and politics

fringe Infidels activists) was the restoration of the powers of the monarchy. The politics, and humanity, of research This book is political because its original quest for honest enquiry became, in the course of research, a political position. That position might be framed, first, as the recognition that such research is essential, even in fields of study where the need to tackle continued oppression and injustice is evident and urgent. Transgressing the cordon sanitaire erected around movements like the EDL in order to mark out the moral high ground from which the

in Loud and proud