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Monika Gehlawat

Using political and critical theory, this article identifies in James Baldwin a model for citizenship unique to the Black artist who assumed the dual responsibilities of art practice and political activism. I engage with Baldwin’s fiction and his writing about other Black artists working in theater, film, dance, and music during the period of the civil rights movement. Across his career, Baldwin’s prevailing view was that, because of their history, Black artists have the singular, and indeed superlative, capacity to make art as praxis. Baldwin explains that the craft of the Black artist depends upon representing truths, rather than fantasies, about their experience, so that they are at once artists pursuing freedom and citizens pursuing justice. This article pays particular attention to the tension between living a public, political life and the need for privacy to create art, and ultimately the toll this takes on the citizen artist. Baldwin demonstrates how the community of mutual support he finds among Black artists aids in their survival. In his writings on Sidney Poitier and Lorraine Hansberry, his friendships with Beauford Delaney and Josephine Baker, as well as his reviews of music and literature, Baldwin assembles a collective he refers to as “I and my tribe.”

James Baldwin Review

James Baldwin Review (JBR) is an annual journal that brings together a wide array of peer‐reviewed critical and creative non-fiction on the life, writings, and legacy of James Baldwin. In addition to these cutting-edge contributions, each issue contains a review of recent Baldwin scholarship and an award-winning graduate student essay. James Baldwin Review publishes essays that invigorate scholarship on James Baldwin; catalyze explorations of the literary, political, and cultural influence of Baldwin’s writing and political activism; and deepen our understanding and appreciation of this complex and luminary figure.

Debates Surrounding Ebola Vaccine Trials in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo
Myfanwy James
,
Joseph Grace Kasereka
, and
Shelley Lees

therefore became a space for people in eastern DRC to protest the central state’s ineffective governance as well as the protracted presence of foreign actors: ‘resistance’ toward the response became a form of political activism. Narratives surrounding Ebola business were a political commentary about the epidemic political economy, the forms of exclusion and inequality it reproduced, as well as the continued neglect of priorities such as security, basic services or other deadly

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Passion and politics in the English Defence League

‘Loud and proud’: Politics and passion in the English Defence League is a study of grassroots activism in what is widely considered to be a violent Islamophobic and racist organisation.

The book uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at EDL events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL, and themselves, as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ inter alia through the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined group. In contrast activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated by a ‘two-tier’ justice system that privileges the rights of ‘others’. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of ‘being heard’ in a political system governed by a politics of silencing.

Unlike most studies of ‘far right’ movements, this book focuses not on the EDL as an organisation – its origins, ideology, strategic repertoire and effectiveness – but on the individuals who constitute the movement. Its ethnographic approach challenges stereotypes and allows insight into the emotional as well as political dimension of activism. At the same time, the book recognises and discusses the complex political and ethical issues of conducting close-up social research with ‘distasteful’ groups.

Martin McIvor

same time as offering a viable and sophisticated defence of political activism and social commitment that could prove newly resonant for contemporary audiences. Nor has this been a purely academic or intellectual phenomenon – the renewed currency of republican values and concepts has begun to infuse contemporary policy debates around constitutional reform, the importance of ‘civil society’, and extending, as we shall see, to suggest new rationales for reforms aimed at securing greater social and economic equality. As Chapter 5 in this volume shows, the possibility

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Religious legitimacy and the foreign policies of Saudi Arabia and Iran
Lucia Ardovini

relation between religion and politics. 20 Broadly speaking, domestic tensions in the Kingdom originate from political and religious differences as well as regional ones and have historically formed four different camps, often in competition with each other. These are Sunni political activism, liberal criticism, the Shiite minority and tensions generated by tribal and regional politics. 21 The ruling family has been challenged by several global Islamist opposition groups, most notably al-Qaeda, labelling the Al Saud as profane and

in Saudi Arabia and Iran
The Indian experience
Shirin M. Rai

social service for the disabled or underprivileged, to more conventional political activism, has been described as ‘women’s role in public life’ and somehow in tune with their maternal character. Historically, women have been mobilized in political movements and by political parties in India. While women have provided legitimacy to these movements and organizations, their own gains have been less obvious. The number of women, for example, that have actually been able to participate in public life has been extremely limited. Gender has not been the only variable

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Migration research and the media
Hannah Jones
,
Yasmin Gunaratnam
,
Gargi Bhattacharyya
,
William Davies
,
Sukhwant Dhaliwal
,
Emma Jackson
, and
Roiyah Saltus

-profile immigration campaigns made those with legal immigration status and even British citizenship feel unwelcome and reluctant to participate in political activism. That we were able to put arguments into the mainstream media demonstrating the links between immigration control to racism, and provide evidence about the effects on racially minoritised communities (both are rare), shows the importance of intervening in the media. However, what was more

in Go home?
Open Access (free)
Public anger in research (and social media)
Hannah Jones
,
Yasmin Gunaratnam
,
Gargi Bhattacharyya
,
William Davies
,
Sukhwant Dhaliwal
,
Emma Jackson
, and
Roiyah Saltus

campaigns, but also as an increasingly important format for political debate, and a medium whose role in political activism has not yet been fully understood. We wanted to see how people used Twitter to respond to Home Office campaigns, not just in terms of the content of what they said but also the ways in which this use interacted with other forms of response. If people were angry, did they let off steam with a tweet and then forget it, as Jodi

in Go home?
Open Access (free)
The ethics and politics of memory in an age of mass culture
Alison Landsberg

people who hail from radically different backgrounds, and to foster the formation not necessarily of communities, but of political alliances across those differences. Cyberspace offers an arena in which large-scale, strategic alliances can be mobilised quickly and efficiently to enable political activism. For example, the Internet was crucial in coordinating the public demonstrations that interrupted the

in Memory and popular film