Contemporary ‘British’ cinema and the nation’s monarchs
precisely the fate of the late modern monarchs on film: they are
ceremonial monarchs who merely reign, whose actions are limited
by constitution and convention, whose politicalpower is severely
circumscribed. These are monarchs, then, who accede executive power to
the elected politicians, the prime minister and the government. Obliged
by constitutional law to stand above politics, their power is thereby
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Benjamin J. Spatz
Alex de Waal
organised ( Boege
et al. , 2009 ; de
Waal, 2020 ).
Politics in these systems is organised by different rules than in bureaucratic
states. At the most basic level, political elites (mostly men) try to gain and
retain power through near-constant bargaining using violence and material reward
– the ‘twin currencies’ of politicalpower ( Spatz, 2020 ). Alliances are fluid; elite
members can compete one moment and collude the next, or indeed can do both
makes the intentionality required to demonstrate genocide somewhat more difficult to prove in court. What Guichaoua argues does not make what happened in Rwanda any less a genocide, because the goal was to wipe out Rwanda’s Tutsi, even if this goal developed as part of a strategy to consolidate politicalpower. In fact, the idea that the genocide was not mapped out in advance reinforces the reality that the violence was not inevitable and could have been halted with effective international action.
Ideology and the Motives of Those Who Killed
Many of the early
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
. The humanitarian ideal was therefore ‘inaccessible to
savage tribes that … follow their brute instincts without a second thought,
while civilized nations … seek to humanize it’ ( Moynier, 1888 ). This goes to show that humanitarian
principles, far from being a timeless good, are not immune to prevailing stereotypes
or politicalpower relationships.
As a treaty aimed at an emblematic nineteenth-century battle was being signed, the
conflicts and massacres of civil wars and
awaits its realisation. Hence, despite the impotence of violence, that doesn’t mean to say it cannot be put into service to reproduce or create entirely new regimes for politicalpower and bio-political control. Violence is not simply negative. It conditions the possibility of political rule, setting out in the clearest ways the lines of belonging and expendability, the force that’s always measured versus the plight of the damned. This is why violence can so easily be accommodated by the technocratic wisdom of a progressive mind. We are governed, as Foucault noted, by
Virtual Universidad Católica del Norte , 62 , 308 – 40 ,
( 2011 ), Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ).
(eds) ( 2008 ), Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics ( Ithaca, NY : Cornell University Press ).
( 2003 ), The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the Muslim World ( London and New York : I.B. Tauris
approaches in humanitarian contexts (adapted from the IGWG Gender Equality Continuum Tool)
Disregards the multidimensional roles, responsibilities and opportunities of men and boys, women and girls within the humanitarian context and society at large.
Ignores local and global socio-politicalpower dynamics (and its manifestations) between and among actors of diverse genders in humanitarian settings.
Neglects the intersecting, gendered experiences/needs of humanitarian workers, volunteers, beneficiaries and other partners in the project
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
the room ’. This phenomenon
was observed in nearly every consensus process. In short, some members assert
their authority over a consensus-based process and overtly influence the outcome
beyond consideration of the evidence. This may be based on the politicalpower
of the agency or the reputation or experience of the individual. In some cases,
another influential member may be able to pull a consensus process back on track
if it is going astray
Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
sought in the language in which Duncan operated, in dance. Her revolution occurs within dance itself, not in the relationship between dance and
other systems of signification. Their politicalpower is the ability to affirm
a new kind of movement, a new kind of subjectivity, while drawing upon
and responding to previous inscriptions on the body. Dance for Duncan
is a method of enabling new articulations to be seen and heard. It is a way
to affirm the third dancer, dancing unknown systems of signification,
who trumps not only the first dancer, representing ballet, but