Editor: Peter Burnell

Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.

A veiled threat

–Israeli peace process as well as an instrument of political protest against an indigenous Arab regime. Hamas is an excellent case study with which to demonstrate the role religion performs in political conflict. Currently, Hamas is gaining in popular support due to renewed violence in the Middle East and the Palestinian population’s increased endorsement of suicide or ‘martyrdom’ operations against

in Redefining security in the Middle East
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or retaining power, but it should certainly reduce their chances. There are, though, two reservations worth making. First, as noted, the surveys showing popular support for democracy as a concept do not show anything like the same kind of support for democracy as a set of institutions. On the contrary, there is often a deep-rooted cynicism about the workings of congress, the judiciary, the police, the presidency and the political parties. This outlook can easily translate into a situation where, although democracy may be the only political concept in town, the

in Democratization through the looking-glass

. Resistance is shaped by the political context in which it is embedded and practices do not define resistance per se. Three aspects need to be analysed in order to understand the role of violence as a tool of resistance: the context of war, the motivations that popular classes have to support or create armed groups, and how extensive this popular support is. Whereas the context of war was analysed in previous chapters, this one will focus on the other two aspects – motivations and support. These two aspects account for the defining elements of resistance, including the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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6:04 PM Page 176 Federalism and democratisation in Russia unelected presidential representatives. And Putin’s powers to dismiss popularly elected governors and assemblies is a highly retrograde step. Moreover, Putin’s attack on the sovereignty claims of the ethnic republics may weaken the powers of moderate leaders in the republics and give greater degrees of popular support to more radical nationalists and separatist movements. The development of such high levels of constitutional and political asymmetry in Russia has weakened the federal government’s ability

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’

, ‘rather than the party that stands for socialism’ (quoted in Shelden 1992: 436–7). His fear was that without deeper popular support, Labour would be tempted to introduce change summarily. To Michael Young, the 1945 manifesto’s chief author, Labour did seem to be erring from its supporters towards bureaucratic solutions, and he suggested a vacant cabinet seat to represent the ‘unknown constituent’ (Guardian, 16 January 2002). Herbert Morrison worried about the popular response to Labour’s efforts and whether ‘human imperfections will convert the dream of the reformers

in Interpreting the Labour Party

anything it is that the extreme libertarian think-tank pamphlet of today can very quickly become the government policy of tomorrow. The formulation of an attractive public discourse about economic redistribution is therefore a matter of some urgency for parties of the left. On it rests the defence of the hard-won achievements of the past and the mobilisation of popular support for fresh initiatives aimed at reducing poverty and economic inequality. But how are such political arguments to be constructed? What sort of language can legitimise the transfer of resources from

in In search of social democracy

exception was Iran’s larger more mobilised society where the Shah had to construct a more elaborate technology of control, heavily dependent on clientalism, repression and external backing. In the authoritarian-nationalist republics , where regimes originated in middle-class overthrow of Western client elites by nationalist officers, state formation meant the wholesale reconstruction of states against the opposition of the displaced upper classes and amidst Western hostility, requiring, therefore, a measure of mobilised popular support. Charismatic

in The international politics of the Middle East
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unity over class, religion and other social divisions. Radicals use it to rally popular support against an unjust government. Appeals to popular sovereignty can be seen in revolutionary documents such as the American Declaration of Independence (1776) and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789). Ethnic nationalism and Civic nationalism Ethnic nationalism identifies a close connection between

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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vigorous following the adoption of universal adult franchise at independence – but otherwise the case for democracy in poor countries was mostly neglected. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy and notwithstanding serious human rights abuses. This lesson was taken to heart by the Chinese Communist Party, which began the transition to a market economy in the 1970s, the resulting economic growth thereby enabling the party to

in Democratization through the looking-glass