October 2010. Innovation funds, innovation labs and innovation studies
subsequently proliferated, and by 2016 innovation had become important enough to be
adopted as one of the central themes of the World Humanitarian Summit. The ALNAP research specifically framed innovation as a response to external threats,
stating that ‘[i]f established aid organisations fail to prioritise innovations,
they are in danger of losing popularsupport and being overtaken by new types of relief
organisations’ ( Ramalingam et
Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
–Israeli peace process as well as an
instrument of political protest against an indigenous Arab regime.
Hamas is an excellent case study with which to
demonstrate the role religion performs in political conflict. Currently,
Hamas is gaining in popularsupport due to renewed violence
in the Middle East and the Palestinian population’s increased
endorsement of suicide or ‘martyrdom’ operations against
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
or retaining power, but it should
certainly reduce their chances.
There are, though, two reservations worth making. First,
as noted, the surveys showing popularsupport for democracy
as a concept do not show anything like the same kind of
support for democracy as a set of institutions. On the contrary, there is often a deep-rooted cynicism about the workings of congress, the judiciary, the police, the presidency and
the political parties. This outlook can easily translate into
a situation where, although democracy may be the only
political concept in town, the
. Resistance is shaped by the political
context in which it is embedded and practices do not define resistance per se.
Three aspects need to be analysed in order to understand the role of violence as
a tool of resistance: the context of war, the motivations that popular classes have
to support or create armed groups, and how extensive this popularsupport is.
Whereas the context of war was analysed in previous chapters, this one will
focus on the other two aspects – motivations and support. These two aspects
account for the defining elements of resistance, including the
Federalism and democratisation in Russia
unelected presidential representatives. And Putin’s powers to dismiss
popularly elected governors and assemblies is a highly retrograde step.
Moreover, Putin’s attack on the sovereignty claims of the ethnic republics
may weaken the powers of moderate leaders in the republics and give
greater degrees of popularsupport to more radical nationalists and
The development of such high levels of constitutional and political
asymmetry in Russia has weakened the federal government’s ability
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’
, ‘rather than the party that stands for socialism’
(quoted in Shelden 1992: 436–7). His fear was that without deeper popularsupport, Labour would be tempted to introduce change summarily. To Michael
Young, the 1945 manifesto’s chief author, Labour did seem to be erring from its
supporters towards bureaucratic solutions, and he suggested a vacant cabinet seat
to represent the ‘unknown constituent’ (Guardian, 16 January 2002). Herbert
Morrison worried about the popular response to Labour’s efforts and whether
‘human imperfections will convert the dream of the reformers
anything it is that the extreme libertarian think-tank pamphlet of today
can very quickly become the government policy of tomorrow.
The formulation of an attractive public discourse about economic
redistribution is therefore a matter of some urgency for parties of the left.
On it rests the defence of the hard-won achievements of the past and the
mobilisation of popularsupport for fresh initiatives aimed at reducing
poverty and economic inequality. But how are such political arguments
to be constructed? What sort of language can legitimise the transfer of
exception was Iran’s larger more mobilised society where the Shah had to construct a more elaborate technology of control, heavily dependent on clientalism, repression and external backing.
In the authoritarian-nationalist republics , where regimes originated in middle-class overthrow of Western client elites by nationalist officers, state formation meant the wholesale reconstruction of states against the opposition of the displaced upper classes and amidst Western hostility, requiring, therefore, a measure of mobilised popularsupport. Charismatic