Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
Fund in October 2010. Innovation funds, innovation labs and innovation studies
subsequently proliferated, and by 2016 innovation had become important enough to be
adopted as one of the central themes of the World Humanitarian Summit.
The ALNAP research specifically framed innovation as a response to external threats,
stating that ‘[i]f established aid organisations fail to prioritise innovations,
they are in danger of losing popularsupport and being overtaken by new types of relief
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
Schulz and Touquet, 2020 ).
While sexual violence in conflict and displacement is sometimes used to terrorise the
victim, community or population at large, it may also be employed to garner popularsupport. This is particularly the case for sexual and other forms of gendered
violence against those perceived as ‘undesirables’ or whose sexuality
‘must’ be policed by the society or community in question. This may
include queer and trans persons as well as alleged drug traffickers
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
funding landscape changed dramatically and the public
perception of NGOs was also altered irrevocably [ Chabbott, 1999 : 227; Hilton
et al. , 2012 : 301]. Biafra might not have been the
first instance of popularsupport for NGOs, but it certainly accelerated their
development into the kind of sector that we are familiar with now [ O’Sullivan et al. ,
Marie-Luce : I agree with what Kevin has just said. Biafra is a very
–Israeli peace process as well as an
instrument of political protest against an indigenous Arab regime.
Hamas is an excellent case study with which to
demonstrate the role religion performs in political conflict. Currently,
Hamas is gaining in popularsupport due to renewed violence
in the Middle East and the Palestinian population’s increased
endorsement of suicide or ‘martyrdom’ operations against
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
or retaining power, but it should
certainly reduce their chances.
There are, though, two reservations worth making. First,
as noted, the surveys showing popularsupport for democracy
as a concept do not show anything like the same kind of
support for democracy as a set of institutions. On the contrary, there is often a deep-rooted cynicism about the workings of congress, the judiciary, the police, the presidency and
the political parties. This outlook can easily translate into
a situation where, although democracy may be the only
political concept in town, the
. Resistance is shaped by the political
context in which it is embedded and practices do not define resistance per se.
Three aspects need to be analysed in order to understand the role of violence as
a tool of resistance: the context of war, the motivations that popular classes have
to support or create armed groups, and how extensive this popularsupport is.
Whereas the context of war was analysed in previous chapters, this one will
focus on the other two aspects – motivations and support. These two aspects
account for the defining elements of resistance, including the
Federalism and democratisation in Russia
unelected presidential representatives. And Putin’s powers to dismiss
popularly elected governors and assemblies is a highly retrograde step.
Moreover, Putin’s attack on the sovereignty claims of the ethnic republics
may weaken the powers of moderate leaders in the republics and give
greater degrees of popularsupport to more radical nationalists and
The development of such high levels of constitutional and political
asymmetry in Russia has weakened the federal government’s ability