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Interrogating civilisational analysis in a global age

Contemporary civilisational analysis has emerged in the post-Cold War period as a forming but already controversial field of scholarship. This book focuses on the scholarship produced in this field since the 1970s. It begins with anthropological axioms posited by Ibn Khaldun, Simon Bolivar and George Pachymeres. Three conceptual images of civilisations are prominent in the field. First, civilisations are conceived as socio-cultural units, entities or blocs in an 'integrationist' image. They emerge out of long-term uneven historical processes. Finally, in a 'relational' image civilisations are believed to gain definition and institute developmental patterns through inter-societal and inter-cultural encounters. The book traces the history of semantic developments of the notions of 'civilisation' and 'civilisations' coextensive with the expansion of Europe's empires and consubstantial with colonialism. Early modernities are more important in the long formation of capitalism. Outlining the conceptual framework of inter-civilisational engagement, the book analytically plots the ties instituted by human imaginaries across four dimensions of inter-civilisational engagement. It also interrogates the relationship between oceans, seas and civilisations. Oceanian civilisation exhibits patterns of deep engagement and connection. Though damaged, Pacific cultures have invoked their own counter-imaginary in closer proximity to past islander experiences. Collective memory provides resources for coping with critical issues. The book also explores Latin American and Japanese experiences that shed light on the engagement of civilisations, applying the model of inter-civilisational engagement to modern perspectives in culture and the arts, politics, theology and political economy.

Open Access (free)
Power in cross-border Cooperation

The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How do power relations matter – and how have they mattered – in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? Through carefully selected case studies – from Russia’s role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples’ organisations – this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted constantly to shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually driven nature of the enquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics.

Open Access (free)
A power perspective on Arctic governance

regional multilateralism. The region must be on the brink of a new cold war (a common media representation) or saturated with warm, comprehensive cooperation (a counter-​representation by Arctic states, including Russia). This book avoids testing the outer extremes of these ‘either/​or’ dichotomies about the cross-​border politics of the Arctic. Rather, the volume seeks to pose and explore a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-​Cold War period: how have and how do relations of power matter in

in Arctic governance
New stories on rafted ice

from one another. In any one section about a particular actor, nearly all of the other actor groups required mention in order to deliver a sensible account of key trends and events. In the post-​Cold War period of cooperation, the actor picture becomes even more interconnected in fascinating ways, and the power relations involved in these interconnections is a topic that the subsequent chapters explore. We see indigenous organisations and states seeking to ‘sing from the same songsheet’ to maximise their success, businesses hammering out regulations to be ratified by

in Arctic governance
Problematising the normative connection

place that the UN’s evolving approach to conflict involves a number of normative changes in addition to the several empirical changes which have been the subject of much scholarly research in the post-Cold War period. More importantly, it suggests that this evolving approach indicates a deeper and gradual, though highly obscured, normative shift that gives the UN a new institutional meaning, a new raison

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The analytical framework

respectively). 60 Having been deployed between the armed forces of the belligerent states, their main, and perhaps sole, function was to supervise an agreed-upon cease-fire and deter any possible breaches of it. 61 The great majority of UN peacekeeping operations, especially in (but not limited to) the post-Cold War period, on the other hand, had more ambitious mandates. Moreover, these operations

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

Implicit in the superpower mentality was the normative support for the idea that other states should sacrifice their sovereignty for a ‘greater common good’. This normative attitude may be seen as paving the way for the ‘interventionist’ normative prescriptions of the post-Cold War period. The Cold War had systematised and, to a degree, ‘legitimised’ such contradiction as was inherent in

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Still unique or just one in the crowd?

the Mediterranean/Middle East] to the European Union not only as partners in its external relations but also for the stability and security of our continent and its immediate neighbourhood. The European Union both has a special responsibility and is in a special position to work in close partnership with all of its neighbours to achieve these objectives. Security In the post-Cold War period, a number of violent conflicts have broken out on the EU’s periphery – in the former Soviet Union, south-eastern Europe and Algeria. The EU has not dealt with these crises very

in EU development cooperation

targeted? The preferences of other CIS states will no doubt continue to be mixed, but an underlying wariness about a new regional hegemon will confront any Russian action. More than a decade after the Soviet collapse, the long-term regional security implications of Russian power contraction have yet to be determined fully. Uncertainty also surrounds Russia’s role in twenty-first-century Eurasia. Developments of the post-Cold War period reveal a constancy in the Russian leadership’s commitment to a Eurasian leadership position. The dynamic 1990s and early 2000s may have

in Limiting institutions?

services and infrastructure. The democratic aspirations that came with the end of the Cold War were shattered by wars and crises. The wars of the post-Cold War period in Africa should be seen in the longer patterns of Africa’s relations with the world as well as with its own history. The problem is that the view of peacebuilding and its actors as external to this history maintains a vision of issues in a country like the DRC as endogenous. This partial view ends up primarily focusing on the format rather than on the content. It targets so-called neopatrimonialism and

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making