The London Lord Mayors' Shows were high-profile and lavish entertainments that were at the centre of the cultural life of the City of London in the early modern period. The Show was staged annually to celebrate the inauguration of the new Lord Mayor. The London mayoralty was not simply an entity of civic power, but always had its ritual and ceremonial dimensions. Pageantry was a feature of the day's entertainment. This book focuses on the social, cultural and economic contexts, in which the Shows were designed, presented and experienced, and explores the Shows in textual, historical, bibliographical, and archival and other contexts. It highlights the often-overlooked roles of the artificer and those other craftsmen who contributed so valuably to the day's entertainment. The Show was the concern of the Great Twelve livery companies from the ranks of one of which the Lord Mayor was elected. The book discusses, inter alia, the actors' roles, the props, music and costumes used during the Show and looks at how important emblems and imagery were to these productions. Pageant writers and artificers took advantage of the space available to them just as dramatists did on the professional stage. From 1585 onwards the Lord Mayor's Show was with increasing frequency transmitted from event to text in the form of short pamphlets produced in print runs ranging from 200 to 800 copies. The book also demonstrates the ways in which the Shows engaged with the changing socio-economic scene of London and with court and city politics.
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.
in Algiers, Tunis, and Malta; ambassadorial correspondence from Istanbul; correspondence and records of the city of Marseille; records of the Chambre de commerce de Marseille; papers of the admiral des mers de Levant; correspondence of the Knights of Malta; and other manuscripts.11 Many of these sources concern southern France in particular, but printed pamphlets, treatises, and rare books provide additional insights into the dynamics of raiding throughout early modern France.12 Although there is not space here to fully explore all of these sources, early modern
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
onwards, though it is the ‘low brow’ printed version which disseminated more widely, and found its way to America, particularly to Pennsylvania, via German emigrants.45 Even within both variants the contents of different editions varies widely, and from a detailed analysis of the borrowings, crossovers and complexities of such manuscripts and printed pamphlets, originals and copies, titles and editions, I would like to suggest a new method of examining the spell book genre, their contents and their usage in everyday practice. Grimoires can be described as being created
. György, Schlachtenbilder aus der Zeit der Befreiungsfeldzüge (Budapest, 1987). 7 H. van Nierop, The Life of Romeyn de Hooghe 1645–1708: Prints, Pamphlets and Politics in the Dutch Golden Age (Amsterdam, 2018), p. 193–4. 8 M. Pollak, Cities at War in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2010), p. 142. 9 D. Kunzle, From Criminal to Courtier: The Soldier in Netherlandish Art 1550–1672 (Leiden, 2002), p. 503. 10 A selection of De Hooghe’s more well-known works can be found in: J. H. Landwehr, Romeyn de Hooghe, the Etcher: Contemporary Portrayal of Europe, 1662
Hohendorf liked a variety of impiety – Toland drafted work on the Gospel of Barnabas, dissertations on Giordano Bruno and the history of the apocrypha. For men like Harley, Collins and Shaftesbury (as well as a list of more minor figures) Toland was able to produce a mixture of learning and prudential political commentary. For Harley he composed a series of printed pamphlets advancing various political schemes as well as more private memorials analysing the options prompted by political circumstances. It is clear in some cases that Toland was writing what he thought these
, theft and criminality. 18 The commercial theatre was integral to this development. London’s first ‘public amphitheatre’, the Red Lion, opened in 1567, followed by a second permanent public playhouse, The Theatre, in 1576. One estimate suggests that at least 50 million visits to playhouses were made between 1565 and 1642 (when Parliament closed all the theatres), some enjoying plays for as little as a penny a visit. 19 These plays circulated not only as performances, but also as printed pamphlets
political agitation, a rush of printed pamphlets and ultimately of Parliamentary action. In this context, the stereotype of the projector ceased to be the joke figure guyed in Jonson’s The devil is an ass or pushed to the fringes of Shirley’s masque. It rather became the organising image of a real assault upon the policies and practices of the Crown. In a striking song printed late in 1640, monopolists and projectors were excoriated, and the Scots were in effect thanked for invading the country and thus
religious liberty of conscience and the settlement of religion. Quakers were unprecedentedly effective in marshalling their own printed pamphlets to consolidate a coherent collective identity and to challenge many of the religious and political opinions of their contemporaries. Like their puritan forebears, Quakers deployed print as part of a polemical process through which they established their identity, differentiating themselves from other radical sectarian groups and challenging ministers and magistrates to