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Reasonable tolerance

The idea of toleration as the appropriate response to difference has been central to liberal thought since Locke. Although the subject has been widely and variously explored, there has been reluctance to acknowledge the new meaning that current debates offer on toleration. This book starts from a clear recognition of the new terms of the debate, reflecting the capacity of seeing the other's viewpoint, and the limited extent to which toleration can be granted. Theoretical statements on toleration posit at the same time its necessity in democratic societies, and its impossibility as a coherent ideal. There are several possible objections to, and ways of developing the ideal of, reasonable tolerance as advocated by John Rawls and by some other supporters of political liberalism. The first part of the book explores some of them. In some real-life conflicts, it is unclear on whom the burden of reasonableness may fall. This part discusses the reasonableness of pluralism, and general concept and various more specific conceptions of toleration. The forces of progressive politics have been divided into two camps: redistribution and recognition. The second part of the book is an attempt to explore the internal coherence of such a transformation when applied to different contexts. It argues that openness to others in discourse, and their treatment as free and equal, is part of a kind of reflexive toleration that pertains to public communication in the deliberative context. Social ethos, religious discrimination and education are discussed in connection with tolerance.

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The ethics and politics of memory in an age of mass culture

Memory is not commonly imagined as a site of possibility for progressive politics. More often, memory, particularly in the form of nostalgia, is condemned for its solipsistic nature, for its tendency to draw people into the past instead of the present. This is the case, for example, in Kathryn Bigelow’s 1995 film Strange Days , in which the use of memory – usually another

in Memory and popular film

’s Budget’, said Lloyd George, was to place ‘burdens on the broadest shoulders’ and to ensure ‘that wealth shall pay its fair share’. As he elaborated: ‘There are many in the country blessed by providence with great wealth, and if there are amongst them men who grudge out of their riches a fair contribution towards the less fortunate of their fellow-countrymen they are very shabby rich men’ (30.7.1909, Limehouse; 9.10.1909, Newcastle; BT: 156, 161, 145). Overall, this rhetoric drew on a substantial body of progressive political thought about distributive questions. These

in In search of social democracy

what follows, those elements of the contributions to this volume that suggest a more productive critique of the Third Way are identified and elaborated. This account is presented against the stated criteria of: taking the Third Way seriously; engaging with social change; and showing where progressive political interventions might lead. Towards a

in The Third Way and beyond
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Memory and popular film

identity formation. Examining specific ‘memory work’ within contemporary Hollywood cinema, Part II explores the specificity of film in constituting memory narratives that can function in coercive ways but that can also, alternatively, hold the potential for progressive political understanding. The first two chapters concentrate on the former tendency. Considering cinematic articulations of the Vietnam War in Hollywood film

in Memory and popular film
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Rethinking anarchist strategies

sensitivity when campaigning on issues of racism. Welcoming asylum seekers (be they political, economic or cultural) into our communities as equals and sharers in our good-fortune may not appear particularly radical, but their effects can be felt throughout society. Similarly, saying ‘hello’ to our neighbours (whoever they are, wherever they come from), writing a letter to the local paper, challenging a bigoted remark at work or responding with outrage to racist attacks all go a long way to challenging the racism within our society as well as building more progressive

in Changing anarchism
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Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

more progressive politics, capable of not only fighting but dismantling racisms, might be the excising of the discourse of ‘race’ (Paul, 2014: 704). These arguments for and against a conscious renunciation of ‘race’ are returned to in Chapter 4. The connection between racism and Islamophobia is, according to Garner and Selod (2015: 11), already ‘definitively made’. ‘Islamophobia’ can be operationalised to understand ‘a set of ideas and practices that amalgamate all Muslims into one group and the characteristics associated with Muslims (violence, misogyny, political

in Loud and proud
The BBC’s Caribbean Voices

particular time and place. 19 This championing of a popular, locally rooted aesthetic, shaped by the social relations of its own colonised locations, marked the cultural dimensions of Calder-Marshall’s commitments to a broader progressive politics. It also anticipated the intellectual affiliations of Caribbean

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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structural not individual, the product of historical and present-day violence and exploitation (Lentin 2004 ). Where progressive politics – including state socialist anti-imperialism – has often projected a ‘racism without racists’ (Bonilla-Silva 2013 ), conflating race and ethnicity in post-Yugoslav – and wider east European – studies has created a postcoloniality without race. Yet accounting explicitly for race, racialisation and whiteness does not suddenly unmake existing approaches to postsocialist marginalisation and exclusion. Quite the opposite: a

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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(‘ecowelfare’) Before moving on, however, there is one loose thread from this chapter that needs tying down. I need to qualify the earlier assertion that diverse reciprocity is not the same thing as weak reciprocity. In fact, diverse reciprocity is both weak and strong, according to the diachronic dimension of progressive politics. Let me explain. Whereas Dworkin seems to assume a 50/50 cut between endowment-insensitivity and ambition-sensitivity, those such as Arneson, Cohen and Roemer (from a more radical Left-liberal position) suggest that luck and circumstance outweigh

in After the new social democracy