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All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.

Open Access (free)
Judith Squires

Introduction 1 The public–private distinction is one of the ‘grand dichotomies’ of western thought. 2 The dichotomy has a complex history, which has generated numerous formulations of the opposition between public and private, most of which still inform contemporary understandings of the terms. In this context, subjecting the public–private dichotomy to critique, as many feminists have done

in Political concepts
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

Open Access (free)
The narrative
Sara De Vido

, 1988); S.  Moller Okin, Women in Western Political Thought (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988). See also Meyersfeld, Domestic Violence, p. 100; H. Charlesworth, C. Chinkin and S. Wright, ‘Feminist approaches to international law’, American Journal of International Law 85 (1991) 613, p. 615; R. Gavison, ‘Feminism and the public/private distinction’, Stanford Law Review 45 (1992) 1; C. Romany, ‘State responsibility goes private: a feminist critique of the public/private distinction in international human rights law’, in Cook, Human Rights of Women, 85; K

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Fiona Robinson

political commitment to feminist goals. As Julie Connolly ( 2010 ) points out, although Honneth asserts the need for love-based recognition, emerging out of relations of nurturance, he also argues that relations encompassed by this category are ‘pre-political’. This serves to reinforce the public–private distinction, and therefore to marginalize feminist concerns with how power functions through

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

public and private spheres of social life. Most, but not all, political writers had focused almost exclusively on the public realm of government, law, economics, the state, and had more or less assumed that the relationship between men and women (especially the married relationship) was essentially a private matter, outside the scope of politics. Feminists boldly asserted that there was no such public–private

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
A conceptualisation of violence against women’s health (VAWH)
Sara De Vido

conceptualisation, by (Western) feminist scholarship. A product of the industrialisation process, this divide ‘denotes the ideological division of life into apparently opposing spheres of public and private activities, and public and private responsibilities.’193 The public/private distinction has also appeared in international law, where ‘public’ is the world of inter-state relations, whereas ‘private’ means national affairs.194 Women have traditionally been excluded from international law and its legal structures.195 The ‘private’, an author has argued, identifies what is ‘free

in Violence against women’s health in international law
Open Access (free)
Civil rites of passage
Sharon Monteith

happened’ when framed by supposedly unemotional, fair-minded white professionals – like Huckaby, newspaper publisher Hazel Brannon Smith, and the student based on novelist Ann Rivers Siddons in Heart of Dixie . 7 Synoptic cinema: the public/private distinction Civil rights cinema does not sit comfortably within theories of genrification. For Rick Altman, genrification always

in Memory and popular film
Rainer Forst

practices make it easier to accommodate the public/private distinction. In other words, the ‘formal equality’ model tends to be intolerant toward ethical-cultural forms of life that require a certain kind of public presence that others either do not require, or – as is most often the case – that require a public presence that differs from traditional and hitherto dominant cultural forms. Thus, on the ‘qualitative equality’ model, persons respect each other as political equals with distinct ethicalcultural identities that must be tolerated as (a) especially important for a

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
Mandy Merck

protest evoked only to be dismissed. The King’s stammering speaks the burden of royalty, while also providing a vehicle for exploring the reterritorialisation of the public/private distinction in the wake of the new mass media. His final broadcast unites the nation, reinvigorating the national body ailing from his brother’s abdication, triumphantly readying it for war. Both films climax with their monarchs’ speeches broadcast to

in The British monarchy on screen