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Open Access (free)
Criticisms, futures, alternatives

In the late 1990s Third Way governments were in power across Europe - and beyond, in the USA and Brazil, for instance. The Third Way experiment was one that attracted attention worldwide. The changes made by Left parties in Scandinavia, Holland, France or Italy since the late 1980s are as much part of Third Way politics as those developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. Since the early 1990s welfare reform has been at the heart of the Centre-Left's search for a new political middle way between post-war social democracy and Thatcherite Conservatism. For Tony Blair, welfare reform was key to establishing his New Labour credentials - just as it was for Bill Clinton and the New Democrats in the USA. Equality has been 'the polestar of the Left', and the redefinition of this concept by Giddens and New Labour marks a significant departure from post-war social democratic goals. The most useful way of approaching the problem of the Blair Government's 'Third Way' is to apply the term to its 'operational code': the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. The choice would be the strategy of public-private partnership (PPP) or the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), as applied to health policy. New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Repoliticisation is what stands out from all the contributions of reconstructing the Third Way along more progressive lines.

Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial Refugee Woman
Annika Bergman Rosamond and Catia Gregoratti

Introduction The promotion of female entrepreneurship in the global South has animated a great deal of feminist research on the World Bank, public-private partnerships and celebrity-endorsed initiatives. Hingeing on a ‘business case for gender equality’, it recasts the ‘Third World Woman’ ( Mohanty, 1984 ) as agentic and endlessly enterprising ( Wilson, 2011 ; Altan-Olcay, 2016 ; Roberts and Zulfiqar, 2019 ). Recent scholarship, however

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Sarah Hale, Will Leggett, and Luke Martell

wealth. Stephen Driver, and Pete McCullen and Colin Harris investigate such issues, with an emphasis on defending the Third Way’s egalitarianism, although not without their own reservations about the Third Way. Public–private partnership, furthermore, has been defended in the name of pragmatism – the Left should not be so dogmatic in its antipathy to private sector involvement in

in The Third Way and beyond
The Third Way and the case of the Private Finance Initiative
Eric Shaw

approaching the problem of the Blair Government’s ‘Third Way’ is to apply the term to its ‘operational code’: the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. I propose to do this by selecting for more detailed analysis a policy strategy which has been presented by the Government as typifying the Third Way. My choice is the strategy of public–private partnership

in The Third Way and beyond
An American perspective
Mary Woolley

the NIH, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Food and Drug Administration. Our goals are to achieve more funding – we talk about money all the time! – and to ensure a positive, empowering policy environment that does not impede research in either the academic or the private sector. We make the case for public–private partnerships. We work to make sure that the public hears about research directly and via the media, and we also work to empower members of the science community to become effective spokespersons for research. Research!America’s Chair

in The freedom of scientific research
Missions, the colonial state and constructing a health system in colonial Tanganyika
Michael Jennings

be at least attempting to meet the health needs of the territory could only really be justified (to the extent that it could) by recognising the voluntary role that actors in the form of missionary organisations were playing in running health services for Tanganyikans. The model that characterised late colonial-period Tanganyika was one of public-private partnership. Having long acted as informally

in Beyond the state
William Muraskin

Roy Widdus; the Bill and Melinda Gates’ Children's Vaccine Programme 3 led by Mark Kane and James Maynard; the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization 4 created by Mark Kane, Tore Godal, Jacques-Francois Martin, Steve Landry and Amy Bateson; the Rockefeller Foundation's Public–Private Partnership project 5 single-handedly championed by Ariel Pablos-Mendez (with the support of Timothy Evans) – many of which were ultimately adopted by

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Sokhieng Au and Anne Cornet

vertical programmes were the forerunners of today’s public–private partnerships in global health. One of the first such programmes was the Queen Elizabeth Funds for Native Medical Assistance (Fonds Reine Elisabeth pour l’assistance médicale indigène or FOREAMI), created through a funding partnership between the Belgian state and the personal funds of

in Medical histories of Belgium
Open Access (free)
The bridge, the fund and insurance in Dar es Salaam
Irmelin Joelsson

have anchored their assets in private equity and government bonds, but increasingly have come to include long-term investments in infrastructure. Such investments are of diverse nature, including public projects (such as schools and hospitals) and economic infrastructure (such as roads, bridges and electricity) and involving different forms of financing (debt, equity, public–private partnerships, etc.). In search of diversification of investment risk and new sources of return, institutional investors are spreading their investments across a wider spectrum, enlarging

in African cities and collaborative futures
Kevin Hickson

social consensus for limited re-nationalisation measures in cases such as the railways where very high levels of public sector investment have not necessarily resulted in improved performance. Equally, in areas such as public-private partnerships and private finance initiative schemes the claim made by New Labour to do what works can seem more doubtful now. Gordon Brown did talk of a ‘public interest test’ in determining the level and form of private sector involvement and although nothing has been done to develop this, it would seem a particularly fruitful idea to

in In search of social democracy