Open Access (free)
James Baldwin, Teju Cole, and Glenn Ligon
Monika Gehlawat

This essay uses Edward Said’s theory of affiliation to consider the relationship between James Baldwin and contemporary artists Teju Cole and Glenn Ligon, both of whom explicitly engage with their predecessor’s writing in their own work. Specifically, Baldwin’s essay “Stranger in the Village” (1953) serves a through-line for this discussion, as it is invoked in Cole’s essay “Black Body” and Ligon’s visual series, also titled Stranger in the Village. In juxtaposing these three artists, I argue that they express the dialectical energy of affiliation by articulating ongoing concerns of race relations in America while distinguishing themselves from Baldwin in terms of periodization, medium-specificity, and their broader relationship to Western art practice. In their adoption of Baldwin, Cole and Ligon also imagine a way beyond his historical anxieties and writing-based practice, even as they continue to reinscribe their own work with his arguments about the African-American experience. This essay is an intermedial study that reads fiction, nonfiction, language-based conceptual art and mixed media, as well as contemporary politics and social media in order consider the nuances of the African-American experience from the postwar period to our contemporary moment. Concerns about visuality/visibility in the public sphere, narrative voice, and self-representation, as well as access to cultural artifacts and aesthetic engagement, all emerge in my discussion of this constellation of artists. As a result, this essay identifies an emblematic, though not exclusive, strand of African-American intellectual thinking that has never before been brought together. It also demonstrates the ongoing relevance of Baldwin’s thinking for the contemporary political scene in this country.

James Baldwin Review
Michele Elam

This piece presents an overview of the events organized in New York to celebrate what would have been James Baldwin’s 90th year.

James Baldwin Review
James Baldwin, William F. Buckley, Jr., and the 1965 Cambridge Debate
Daniel Robert McClure

The 1965 debate at Cambridge University between James Baldwin and William F. Buckley, Jr., posed the question: “Has the American Dream been achieved at the Expense of the American Negro?” Within the contours of the debate, Baldwin and Buckley wrestled with the ghosts of settler colonialism and slavery in a nation founded on freedom and equality. Framing the debate within the longue durée, this essay examines the deep cultural currents related to the American racial paradox at the height of the Civil Rights movement. Underscoring the changing language of white resistance against black civil rights, the essay argues that the Baldwin and Buckley debate anticipated the ways the U.S. would address racial inequality in the aftermath of the civil rights era and the dawn of neoliberalism in the 1970s.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Editor: Paul Grainge

As a technology able to picture and embody the temporality of the past, cinema has become central to the mediation of memory in modern cultural life. The memory of film scenes and movies screens, cinema and cinema-going, has become integral to the placement and location of film within the cultural imagination of this century and the last. This book is a sustained, interdisciplinary perspective on memory and film from early cinema to the present. The first section examines the relationship between official and popular history and the constitution of memory narratives in and around the production and consumption of American cinema. The second section examines the politics of memory in a series of chapters that take as their focus three pivotal sites of national conflict in postwar America. This includes the war in Vietnam, American race relations and the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of marginality in the geographic and cultural borderlands of the US. The book explores the articulation of Vietnam. The final section concentrates on the issue of mediation; it explores how technological and semiotic shifts in the cultural terrain have influenced the coding and experience of memory in contemporary cinema. It considers both the presence of music and colour in nostalgia films of the 1990s and the impact of digital and video technologies on the representational determinants of mediated memory. The book also examines the stakes of cultural remembering in the United States and the means by which memory has been figured through Hollywood cinema.

Neil McNaughton

Issues concerning women Racial issues and the multicultural society 106 8 ➤ The background to racial problems in the UK ➤ Descriptions of the main pieces of race legislation ➤ The features and importance of the Stephen Lawrence case ➤ The importance of the Macpherson and Ousley Reports ➤ The work of the Commission for Racial Equality ➤ The broad issues of racial discrimination ➤ Forms of non-legislative race relations initiatives ➤ The issue of multiracialism IMMIGRATION Although Britain has, throughout its history, assimilated large numbers of different

in Understanding British and European political issues
Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples
David Killingray

’s image of reasoned seriousness while also identifying, even if only by name, influential people whose support could be claimed in the cause of race relations. The League was energetic in confronting the colour bar. Much of the energy came from Moody himself. Racist language was challenged whether it was on the BBC, in parliament or in the press; letters were written to departments of state, and on major

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Philip Lynch

Conservative politics of nationhood under William Hague, focusing on the ‘English Question’ and the politics of ‘race’. Policy towards the European Union (EU) is examined in Chapter 8. The end of Empire, moves towards membership of the European Community (EC), devolution and immigration posed significant challenges to the dominant One Nation perspective in the 1960s. Two contrasting positions on how to adapt the Conservative politics of nationhood emerged. Edward Heath proposed EC membership, Scottish devolution and a liberal perspective on race relations. Enoch Powell

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Joy Damousi

. Central to these considerations were the ‘doubts and anxieties concerning the readiness, the procedure by which and the rate at which the general public can accept changes in race relations…. It is assumed that the period of preparation and education will reduce resistance or opposition to desegregation or other changes in racial practices’.77 The pace of change was a major concern for Bernard, and she stressed the importance of highlighting the shift in public opinion on this issue. She wrote to Clark, Doesn’t the evidence show in employment, housing, and military

in A history of the case study
Open Access (free)
Ethnicity and popular music in British cultural studies
Sean Campbell

-produce a kind of ahistorical and re-naturalised ‘whiteness’. The ‘turn’ towards questions of race and ethnicity, then, was informed by a particular definition of race politics that pertained specifically to visible (and largely African-Caribbean) immigrants and their descendants. This particular emphasis was, of course, hardly peculiar to the field of cultural studies. On the contrary, it was symptomatic of the dominant ‘race relations’ paradigm that had been practised by sociologists in postwar Britain.5 As Mary Hickman and Bronwen Walter have pointed out, Norquay_08

in Across the margins
Steven Fielding

Harold Wilson’s government further tightened controls and in 1968 it prevented large numbers of Kenyan Asians entering the country. While two Race Relations Acts, meant to discourage discrimination based on colour, accompanied these measures, most authorities consider them palliatives, drafted to salve Labour’s troubled conscience as ministers adhered to an essentially racist immigration policy.2 While in 1960 their party formally embraced a universal ‘brotherhood’, something the 1964–70 governments supposedly betrayed, many working-class activists nonetheless followed

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1