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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Neil McNaughton

Issues concerning women Racial issues and the multicultural society 106 8 ➤ The background to racial problems in the UK ➤ Descriptions of the main pieces of race legislation ➤ The features and importance of the Stephen Lawrence case ➤ The importance of the Macpherson and Ousley Reports ➤ The work of the Commission for Racial Equality ➤ The broad issues of racial discrimination ➤ Forms of non-legislative race relations initiatives ➤ The issue of multiracialism IMMIGRATION Although Britain has, throughout its history, assimilated large numbers of different

in Understanding British and European political issues

Hinkson, 2007 ; Watson, 2011 ; Macoun, 2011 ; Armillei and Lobo, 2017 ), the Intervention Act took up the sense of emergency in the Little Children are Sacred report but ignored its recommendations about informing, consulting and obtaining proper consent from the Aboriginal communities on the matter. Section 132 of the Intervention Act proclaimed its content as ‘special measures’ and stated, ‘[t]he provisions of this Act, and any acts done under or for the purposes of those provisions, are excluded from the operation of Part 2 of the Racial Discrimination Act

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples
David Killingray

in positions of influence and, although they might often disparage his activities, his persistence in lobbying did yield some results as he challenged the prevailing policies and practices of racial discrimination in Britain and the colonial empire. Moody’s formative years Harold Moody was born in Kingston, Jamaica, in 1882, the son of a pharmacist

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

Stuart White

), including the case of appointments to the clergy, objectionably burdens the expressive and deliberative interests of those people whose employment options are closed down by the resulting sexual (or racial) discrimination. Religious associations should not be free, she thus concludes, to treat gender (or race) as religion-relevant grounds for employment discrimination.12 On the other hand, according to Martha Nussbaum, ‘it seems illiberal to hold that practices internal to the conduct of [a] religious body . . . [such as] the choice of priests’ should be subject to this

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
M. Anne Brown

abuse of rights. Bodies such as Amnesty International, the World Council of Churches and the US State Department regularly comment on patterns of systemically imposed discrimination. Most notably, UN committees and treaty monitoring bodies have been increasingly expressing their concern with aspects of Indigenous life conditions, with the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (land rights and sentencing regimes), the UN Human Rights Commission and the Committee Against Torture (sentencing regimes and incarceration practices) registering disapproval

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Steven Fielding

possible. As one of the party’s few non-white activists rightly stated, the arrival of thousands of West Indians, Pakistanis and Indians provoked ‘an all pervasive sense of embarrassment’ in its ranks.5 Colour and the Commonwealth During a 1948 Labour Party annual conference debate on racial discrimination, one delegate asked: if socialism ‘does not mean that common men can live together decently and live together as brothers, I ask you what does it mean?’6 Before the 1950s, however, practical expressions of the party’s commitment to racial equality were largely

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
How African-Americans shape their collective identity through consumption
Virág Molnár and Michèle Lamont

social membership. Finally, the ‘discrimination’ perspective offers a unidimensional view of the cultural impact of the marketing industry by downplaying or ignoring recent efforts of black and white firms to combat racial discrimination and transform racial stereotypes. Focusing on the use of consumption in internal and external identification processes allows us to integrate these neglected, yet crucial, aspects of black consumption. In contrast to the alienationist perspective, we pay careful attention to the subjective meaning individuals attribute to their

in Innovation by demand