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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Neil McNaughton

Issues concerning women Racial issues and the multicultural society 106 8 ➤ The background to racial problems in the UK ➤ Descriptions of the main pieces of race legislation ➤ The features and importance of the Stephen Lawrence case ➤ The importance of the Macpherson and Ousley Reports ➤ The work of the Commission for Racial Equality ➤ The broad issues of racial discrimination ➤ Forms of non-legislative race relations initiatives ➤ The issue of multiracialism IMMIGRATION Although Britain has, throughout its history, assimilated large numbers of different

in Understanding British and European political issues

Hinkson, 2007 ; Watson, 2011 ; Macoun, 2011 ; Armillei and Lobo, 2017 ), the Intervention Act took up the sense of emergency in the Little Children are Sacred report but ignored its recommendations about informing, consulting and obtaining proper consent from the Aboriginal communities on the matter. Section 132 of the Intervention Act proclaimed its content as ‘special measures’ and stated, ‘[t]he provisions of this Act, and any acts done under or for the purposes of those provisions, are excluded from the operation of Part 2 of the Racial Discrimination Act

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples
David Killingray

in positions of influence and, although they might often disparage his activities, his persistence in lobbying did yield some results as he challenged the prevailing policies and practices of racial discrimination in Britain and the colonial empire. Moody’s formative years Harold Moody was born in Kingston, Jamaica, in 1882, the son of a pharmacist

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Stuart White

), including the case of appointments to the clergy, objectionably burdens the expressive and deliberative interests of those people whose employment options are closed down by the resulting sexual (or racial) discrimination. Religious associations should not be free, she thus concludes, to treat gender (or race) as religion-relevant grounds for employment discrimination.12 On the other hand, according to Martha Nussbaum, ‘it seems illiberal to hold that practices internal to the conduct of [a] religious body . . . [such as] the choice of priests’ should be subject to this

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
M. Anne Brown

abuse of rights. Bodies such as Amnesty International, the World Council of Churches and the US State Department regularly comment on patterns of systemically imposed discrimination. Most notably, UN committees and treaty monitoring bodies have been increasingly expressing their concern with aspects of Indigenous life conditions, with the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (land rights and sentencing regimes), the UN Human Rights Commission and the Committee Against Torture (sentencing regimes and incarceration practices) registering disapproval

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
How African-Americans shape their collective identity through consumption
Virág Molnár
Michèle Lamont

social membership. Finally, the ‘discrimination’ perspective offers a unidimensional view of the cultural impact of the marketing industry by downplaying or ignoring recent efforts of black and white firms to combat racial discrimination and transform racial stereotypes. Focusing on the use of consumption in internal and external identification processes allows us to integrate these neglected, yet crucial, aspects of black consumption. In contrast to the alienationist perspective, we pay careful attention to the subjective meaning individuals attribute to their

in Innovation by demand
Steven Fielding

possible. As one of the party’s few non-white activists rightly stated, the arrival of thousands of West Indians, Pakistanis and Indians provoked ‘an all pervasive sense of embarrassment’ in its ranks.5 Colour and the Commonwealth During a 1948 Labour Party annual conference debate on racial discrimination, one delegate asked: if socialism ‘does not mean that common men can live together decently and live together as brothers, I ask you what does it mean?’6 Before the 1950s, however, practical expressions of the party’s commitment to racial equality were largely

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Open Access (free)
Sue Thomas

usefully raises the question whether a British tabloid audience of the 1950s would necessarily identify with the victim rather than the perpetrator of racial discrimination. His own point of identification is problematic, he states, because of his Indian heritage, his origins in ‘an easy-going multi-racial society’, and his awareness that racialised conflict can also take the form of black

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Heloise Brown

has been given to her.’7 She envisioned a world in which racial discrimination had no place, but Christianity regulated this utopian vision. The purpose of the empire was to spread Christian religion, and Butler believed – contrary to her own evidence, at times – that if both native races and imperialists were genuinely Christianised, then ‘race prejudice’ would be eradicated. This entailed the conversion of native races, but crucially, it also required a re-education of white Europeans with regard to their Christian responsibility. Butler argued that the Anglo

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’