Open Access (free)
Paradoxes of hierarchy and authority in the squatters movement in Amsterdam
Author: Nazima Kadir

This book is an ethnographic study of the internal dynamics of a subcultural community that defines itself as a social movement. While the majority of scholarly studies on this movement focus on its official face, on its front stage, this book concerns itself with the ideological and practical paradoxes at work within the micro-social dynamics of the backstage, an area that has so far been neglected in social movement studies. The central question is how hierarchy and authority function in a social movement subculture that disavows such concepts. The squatters’ movement, which defines itself primarily as anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian, is profoundly structured by the unresolved and perpetual contradiction between both public disavowal and simultaneous maintenance of hierarchy and authority within the movement. This study analyzes how this contradiction is then reproduced in different micro-social interactions, examining the methods by which people negotiate minute details of their daily lives as squatter activists in the face of a funhouse mirror of ideological expectations reflecting values from within the squatter community, that, in turn, often refract mainstream, middle class norms.

Open Access (free)
Nazima Kadir

an environmental non-governmental organization (NGO), came to Holland from Denmark in his early twenties to study intellectual history, bringing with him a background in radical left activism in Copenhagen. Dirk, who works for an organic produce distribution company, grew up in a deeply religious, conservative, Catholic family in a village in the south of the Netherlands, and ran away from home as a teenager to find himself squatting in Amsterdam. While Frederick clearly articulates what he perceives as the

in The autonomous life?
Nazima Kadir

people and the ones who squatted the house who granted them a residence. Thus, an unacknowledged dynamic of gratitude and dependency is masked behind a fiction of equality and radical left communal living. Since this power dynamic exists, but cannot be discussed, those who hold authority have expectations of people who they invite to live with them, but often express such desires circuitously rather than transparently. Furthermore, authority figures are exempt from the conditions they demand of others; unless

in The autonomous life?
Open Access (free)
The autonomous life?
Nazima Kadir

Every Saturday night for thirty years, the renowned Vrankrijk, a squatters’ social center, has hosted a dance party which attracts a mix of squatters, punks, artists, radical left activists, hippies, university students, and tourists seeking to taste the underground scene in Amsterdam. Located on a beautiful street in the inner city, the building is enormous, standing four-stories tall, its facade covered by colorful murals in stark contrast to the eighteenth-century dollhouse architectural landscape of

in The autonomous life?
Nazima Kadir

the subcategories of practice that pertain to distinctive properties of a field. To achieve a sense of authenticity, one must demonstrate that one has mastered and rejected tastes and values, both mainstream and those associated with the radical left. In addition, one should render invisible and natural a long, arduous, and self-conscious process of socialization and skill acquisition. Thus, regardless of the diversity of reasons why squatters squat, their political motivations, attitudes and their structural

in The autonomous life?
Open Access (free)
The economy of unromantic solidarity
Nazima Kadir

be broadly classified as the culturally marginal and the culturally central. The culturally central, or as Melucci characterizes, “the new elites” ( 1989 ), have the benefits of their backgrounds, education, and skills to help them navigate the labyrinthine housing market in Amsterdam. I imagine that such people have continued squatting either for their own housing needs or by setting up radical left anarchist social centers. The practice of squatting social centers in European countries (e.g. Italy and Spain

in The autonomous life?
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

state of their own. Either way, Jews could be treated as enemies of the internationalism supposedly embodied in the Soviet state. 43 Left Marxism, whose centre of gravity was the Trotskyist movement but which also included more libertarian sections of the radical left, was ferociously critical of Stalinised Marxism but was not necessarily able to frame a more coherent understanding of antisemitism. Although it is true that the official

in Antisemitism and the left
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
Ami Pedahzur

of the ‘criminal justice model’ In this section, I scrutinise Israel’s response to five instances of Jewish extremism and violence of the last three decades. The examples are as follows: the Kach Movement; the Israeli radical left; the ‘Jewish Underground’; Rabbi Uzi Meshulam’s violent group; and the events preceding the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The comparative analysis of these events demonstrates not only the different responses to these respective threats, but elucidates the factors encouraging and inhibiting the

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Rhiannon Vickers

policy issues that were sometimes antithetical to each other. This demonstrates the problems of attempting to generalise about the nature of Labour’s foreign policy from its very beginnings in 1900, while also explaining in part the depth of some of the intra-party conflict on international affairs. These conflicts are examined in more depth in the following chapters, starting with an assessment of Labour’s response to the First World War. Notes 1 James Jupp, The Radical Left in Britain, 1931–1941 (London: Frank Cass, 1982), p. 18. 2 For general information on the

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Perspectives on civilisation in Latin America
Jeremy C.A. Smith

Amerindian ontology based on textual analysis of published communiqués of indigenous-​led summits, confederations, alliances and organisations in Latin America (Smith, 2014a). All that can be recounted here are signs of engagement with ongoing liberation theology and the rise of the twenty-​first-​century radical Left. The most forceful claim is around an alternative model of sovereignty. The Westphalian system of sovereign nation-​states is no longer relevant to Latin America. In its place, indigenous movements have, since the 1990s, pressed claims for a ‘pluri

in Debating civilisations