12 The rhetoric of redistribution1 Ben Jackson Hobson, lecturing on economics last night on the BBC, referred to the revolution which had occurred in our society by the imposition of taxes upon wealth, & the heavy death duties which prevented it from being passed on. And D. [Lloyd George], looking at me significantly, pointed his finger to his own breast, meaning: I did it. (Lloyd George: a Diary by Frances Stevenson, entry for 29.10.1934, quoted in Clarke 1974: xxxiv) Introduction The historic distributive achievements of social democracy – the welfare state

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

financial crisis, however, the World Bank finds it necessary to reject the need for significant political change or social redistribution ( World Bank, 2015 : 80). This is at a time when global inequality is at record levels and new forms of post-social servitude and abjection are appearing ( Lebaron and Ayers, 2013 ). As a practical illustration of the ontopolitics of design, for the World Bank, its rejection rests on the alleged mental capacities of the chronically poor. Since the limitations of Homo inscius are cognitive and environmental

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

, is eroding. Both the right and the left have come to see in these liberal mechanisms barriers to the realisation of their most desired preferences (more aggressive chauvinism, more effective redistribution). Politics at the national level in the West has been shocked back into life after decades of malaise. The insistent questions are no longer technocratic but substantive, with attitudes to ‘the other’ a pivotal part of these conversations globally. In 2018, Freedom House recorded its twelfth consecutive year of decline in freedom worldwide, with

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Reasonable tolerance

The idea of toleration as the appropriate response to difference has been central to liberal thought since Locke. Although the subject has been widely and variously explored, there has been reluctance to acknowledge the new meaning that current debates offer on toleration. This book starts from a clear recognition of the new terms of the debate, reflecting the capacity of seeing the other's viewpoint, and the limited extent to which toleration can be granted. Theoretical statements on toleration posit at the same time its necessity in democratic societies, and its impossibility as a coherent ideal. There are several possible objections to, and ways of developing the ideal of, reasonable tolerance as advocated by John Rawls and by some other supporters of political liberalism. The first part of the book explores some of them. In some real-life conflicts, it is unclear on whom the burden of reasonableness may fall. This part discusses the reasonableness of pluralism, and general concept and various more specific conceptions of toleration. The forces of progressive politics have been divided into two camps: redistribution and recognition. The second part of the book is an attempt to explore the internal coherence of such a transformation when applied to different contexts. It argues that openness to others in discourse, and their treatment as free and equal, is part of a kind of reflexive toleration that pertains to public communication in the deliberative context. Social ethos, religious discrimination and education are discussed in connection with tolerance.

MCK5 1/10/2003 10:25 AM Page 86 5 Recognition without ethics? Nancy Fraser For some time now, the forces of progressive politics have been divided into two camps. On one side stand the proponents of ‘redistribution’. Drawing on long traditions of egalitarian, labour, and socialist organising, political actors aligned with this orientation seek a more just allocation of resources and goods. On the other side stand the proponents of ‘recognition’. Drawing on newer visions of a ‘difference-friendly’ society, they seek a world where assimilation to majority or

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies

lexicon – solidarity , emancipation , security , community , redistribution , equality and welfare – to suit the neo-liberal agenda. Finally, Giddens’s project, like New Labour’s, is shown to coincide with that of the IMF–World Bank, which is similarly presented as stepping away from the neo-liberalism of Reagan and Thatcher and towards a more socially inclusive agenda

in The Third Way and beyond

Introduction Political theory has recently responded to the central questions about redistributive welfare systems – their justification, and the institutional means for implementing them – raised by the political economy of the past twenty-five years. In the post-war period, the consensus around sustaining minimum standards of income, health, education and housing assumed an entitlement to such

in Political concepts
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation

4 The political economy of French social democratic economic policy autonomy 1997–2002: credibility, dirigisme and globalisation Ben Clift Introduction: the crisis of social democracy The U-turn of French Socialism in 1983 saw a retreat from egalitarian redistribution, full employment and social justice as the priorities of economic policy. A prolonged period of ideological and programmatic flux ensued. The manifest failure of a decade of Socialist Government to make any impression on the soaring unemployment figures was devastating. This, acting in tandem with

in In search of social democracy
Simone de Beauvoir and a Global Theory of Feminist Recognition

proposes a promising tripartite approach to gender justice, including recognition, redistribution and representation, which aims to apply to all the world's women. Yet, as Fraser's approach risks homogenizing women's experiences in terms of objectively harmful social structures worldwide, it risks disregarding the lived realities of those who are impacted differently by globalization. In

in Recognition and Global Politics
Responses to crisis and modernisation

This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.