Conﬂict management in the Caucasus via
development of regionalidentity
the preconditions for and possibilities of Caucasian
integration as a way of conﬂict management in the region. The 1990s has
revealed that a common Caucasian identity might be used for ‘constructing’ a regional security community. To testify to this thesis, a signiﬁcant part of
the chapter addresses the question of how diﬀerent identities have inﬂuenced the
development of nationalism and cooperation, conﬂict escalation and conﬂict
The Peterloo Massacre was more than just a Manchester event. The attendees, on
whom Manchester industry depended, came from a large spread of the wider textile
regions. The large demonstrations that followed in the autumn of 1819,
protesting against the actions of the authorities, were pan-regional and
national. The reaction to Peterloo established the massacre as firmly part of
the radical canon of martyrdom in the story of popular protest for democracy.
This article argues for the significance of Peterloo in fostering a sense of
regional and northern identities in England. Demonstrators expressed an
alternative patriotism to the anti-radical loyalism as defined by the
authorities and other opponents of mass collective action.
James Baldwin has frequently been written about in terms of his relationship to geographical locations such as Harlem, Paris, St. Paul-de-Vence, Istanbul, and “the transatlantic,” but his longstanding connection to the American South, a region that served as a vexed and ambiguous spiritual battleground for him throughout his life and career, has been little discussed, even though Baldwin referred to himself as “in all but no technical legal fact, a Southerner.” This article argues that the South has been seriously underconsidered as a major factor in Baldwin’s psyche and career and that were it not for the challenge to witness the Southern Civil Rights movement made to Baldwin in the late 1950s, he might never have left Paris and become the writer and thinker into which he developed. It closely examines Baldwin’s fictional and nonfictional engagements with the American South during two distinct periods of his career, from his first visit to the region in 1957 through the watershed year of 1963, and from 1963 through the publication of Baldwin’s retrospective memoir No Name in the Street in 1972, and it charts Baldwin’s complex and often contradictory negotiations with the construction of identity in white and black Southerners and the South’s tendency to deny and censor its historical legacy of racial violence. A few years before his death, Baldwin wrote that “[t]he spirit of the South is the spirit of America,” and this essay investigates how the essential question he asked about the region—whether it’s a bellwether for America’s moral redemption or moral decline—remains a dangerous and open one.
This book provides a detailed consideration of the history of racing in British culture and society, and explores the cultural world of racing during the interwar years. The book shows how racing gave pleasure even to the supposedly respectable middle classes and gave some working-class groups hope and consolation during economically difficult times. Regular attendance and increased spending on betting were found across class and generation, and women too were keen participants. Enjoyed by the royal family and controlled by the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee, racing's visible emphasis on rank and status helped defend hierarchy and gentlemanly amateurism, and provided support for more conservative British attitudes. The mass media provided a cumulative cultural validation of racing, helping define national and regional identity, and encouraging the affluent consumption of sporting experience and a frank enjoyment of betting. The broader cultural approach of the first half of the book is followed by an exploration if the internal culture of racing itself.
This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.
little consideration of regionalidentity, for instance. The primordialist
writers failed to note that until relatively recently there were Croats, Slavonians,
Istrians and Dalmatians, with the Croats only being those who lived in the
Kajkavian dialect area around Zagreb.
Rather than seeing it as either modern or ancient, either continuous or
discontinuous, either homogenous or fragmented, the modern nation should
be conceptualised as a social formation that operates at different levels of
abstraction. National identity is framed in abstract terms, though in uniting a
better players frequently had their national service extended to prevent them
returning to their original club. Crvena Zvezda (Red Star) was also attached to
the JNA, but was more strongly linked to the Republic of Serbia and was seen as
a club for Serbian nationalists. Hajduk Split was and is a focal point for
Dalmatian regionalidentity – from Rijeka to Dubrovnik – but also had an
interesting ambiguity at the heart of its identity. While being representative of
Dalmatia (particularly in contemporary Croatia) and Croatian nationalism (in
the early 1990s), Hajduk was
records of race companies, films, photographs, cartoons, cigarette cards, oral
evidence, national, local and sporting newspapers, fictional accounts, annual
racing publications, and more. It consciously attempts to cite sources from
across Britain to show regional and local variations, the different ways in which
racing sheds light on communal and regionalidentities, and the ties which
linked different parts of Britain together.
The first chapter provides an overview of racing between the wars, covering
flat racing, National Hunt, point-to-point and pony
the ‘English Question’: few parts of England had a strong regionalidentity and those that did (for example, Cornwall) might find themselves
part of an artificial entity.
Hopes that the Conservatives might benefit from a re-awakening of English identity and backlash against the anomalies of devolution were largely
unfulfilled. Surveys suggested that since devolution British identity had weakened, as the number of people describing themselves as being more Scottish,
Welsh or English than British increased.22 Although a greater number of
people in England were now
post-1945 regionalidentities in the Eastern Adriatic.
Ethnicity and the silences of ‘hybridity’ in Istria
Within literature on ethnicity in the Yugoslav region, Istrian regionalidentities, with their historical narratives of everyday multilingualism and Italian–Yugoslav/Italian–Slovenian–Croatian border-crossing, often exemplify multi-ethnic alternatives to ethnonationalism. Both the inhabitants of ex-Habsburg Trieste, assigned to Italy in 1945–54, and post-Yugoslav residents of Croatian Istria resisting state