The assertion of royal authority

This study examines the political and economic relationship between Louis XIV and the parlements of France, the parlement of Paris and all the provincial tribunals. It explains how the king managed to overcome the century-old opposition of the parlements to new legislation, and to impose upon them the strict political discipline for which his reign is known. The work calls into question the current revisionist understanding of the reign of Louis XIV and insists that, after all, absolute government had a harsh reality at its core. When the king died in 1715, the regent, Philippe d'Orleans, after a brief attempt to befriend the parlements through compromise, resorted to the authoritarian methods of Louis XIV and perpetuated the Sun King's political and economic legacy.

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period was 1671–1673. As a result of their resistance to the fiscal demands of the Dutch War, the king imposed upon the tribunals those rules about registration procedure that deprived them of any influence upon new laws, relegating them to the margins of political life for the duration of the reign. Viewed from the perspective of constitutional thought and parlementary precedent, both dating from early in the sixteenth century, this was a big step in a new direction, a daring break with precedent. It was at once inherent in the claims long advanced by sympathizers with

in Louis XIV and the parlements
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interests. The decline and virtual collapse of office prices remained the most important socio-economic legacy of the reign of Louis XIV, so far as the magistrates were concerned. It will be remembered that by 1715 the price of the office of lay councillor in the Parlement of Paris had fallen from above 100,000 livres in 1665 to 50,000 livres, while in Rennes the councillor office had dropped from above 100,000 to 45,000 livres, in Toulouse from 60,000 to 30,000 livres, in Bordeaux from 50,000 to 18,000 livres, and so on. Inevitably, the price of venal office continued to decline

in Louis XIV and the parlements
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King and politicians 1760-1770

The eighteenth century was long deemed ‘the classical age of the constitution’ in Britain, with cabinet government based on a two-party system of Whigs and Tories in Parliament, and a monarchy whose powers had been emasculated by the Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689. This study furthers the work of Sir Lewis Namier, who, in 1929, argued that no such party system existed, George III was not a cypher, and that Parliament was an administration composed of factions and opposition. George III is a high-profile and well-known character in British history, whose policies have often been blamed for the loss of Britain's American colonies, around whom rages a perennial dispute over his aims: was he seeking to restore royal power or merely exercising his constitutional rights? This is a chronological survey of the first ten years of his reign through power politics and policy making.

endurance, with their offices heavily mortgaged and dwindling in value and office income drying up. On the subject of venality, the late reign of Louis XIV indeed subjected the magistrates to a grinding ordeal. The Augmentations de gages of 1702–1703 In 1701, as preparations for the war began, the magistrates were busy paying the government 5.67 million livres in augmentations de gages for the renewal of the droit annuel (chapter 3, Table 1), their money going directly into various war-related treasuries. Based on past experience, they had reason to expect a financial respite

in Louis XIV and the parlements
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Factions or parties?

between the ruling Whig party of George II’s reign and the opposition Whig party of Charles James Fox. Nor is this idea simply the invention of later historians. Newcastle and Rockingham men were wont to assert that they were ‘the Whig Party’, to the annoyance of other politicians like Grenville and Bedford whose claims to a Whig pedigree were equally valid. In terms of personnel the Rockinghamite claim to be a link in Whig party history is weaker than is often supposed. The two haemorrhages of placemen in 1762 and careerists in 1766 meant that in the 1770s Lord North

in George III

hierarchy. According to this argument, curés were captains operating under bishops within the church, flamboyantly depicted by Morestel as a ship of war combating for the faith of Jesus Christ.112 Curés were ‘episcopal helpers’; as a result, their legitimate deliberative voice should be heard so that unity of spirit would once again reign between them and their bishop. Morestel also traced the historical legitimacy of the curés’ office, asserting, like Gerson, that they were the successors of the seventy-two disciples chosen by Jesus Christ. Significantly, he then

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Editor: Mandy Merck

Moving images of the British monarchy, in fact and fiction, are almost as old as the moving image itself, dating back to an 1895 dramatic vignette, The Execution of Mary Queen of Scots. Led by Queen Victoria, British monarchs themselves appeared in the new 'animated photography' from 1896. Half a century later, the 1953 coronation of Elizabeth II was a milestone in the adoption of television, watched by 20 million Britons and 100 million North Americans. At the century's end, Princess Diana's funeral was viewed by 2.5 billion worldwide. Seventeen essays by international commentators examine the portrayal of royalty in the 'actuality' picture, the early extended feature, amateur cinema, the movie melodrama, the Commonwealth documentary, New Queer Cinema, TV current affairs, the big screen ceremonial and the post-historical boxed set. These contributors include Ian Christie, Elisabeth Bronfen, Andrew Higson, Steven Fielding, Karen Lury, Glyn Davis, Ann Gray, Jane Landman, Victoria Duckett, Jude Cowan Montague, James Downs, Barbara Straumann, Deirdre Gilfedder, Jo Stephenson, Ruth Adams, Erin Bell, Basil Glynn and Nicola Rehling.

Political and contemporary contexts of the Shows

in the writings about [this] industry’.17 Furthermore, the sometimes aggressive economic actions and motivations that underscored the City’s wealth could here be represented in a more benevolent light. In mayoral pageantry, Palmer has argued, ‘malevolent ambition [is translated into] a felicitous vision of mercantile endeavor and aspiration’.18 The invocation of past and present civic glories stands as a contrast to the eventful, crisis-ridden reigns of the Stuart kings before the civil wars. ‘London’s secure, with peace and plenty blest’: responses to crisis in

in Pageantry and power
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’, National Identities 2 (July 2000): 109–25; Richard Williams, The Contentious Crown: Public Discussion of the British Monarchy in the Reign of Queen Victoria (Brookfield, VT, 1997); Andrzej Olechnowicz, ed., The Monarchy and the British Nation, 1780 to the Present (Cambridge, 2007 ). 6 Walter Bagehot’s distinction between

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911