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The Tories after 1997
Editors: Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch

The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.

Open Access (free)
Party system change and electoral prospects
Gilles Ivaldi

reinforcement of the entire party apparatus at both local and national levels. This internal development was associated with the founding of a large number of flanking organisations, newspapers and clubs, whose main purpose was political lobbying within specific fields of concern or particular social and professional sectors (Buzzi, 1994, Ivaldi, 2001). Like other right-wing populist parties in Austria, Belgium or Norway, the social basis of the FN’s electorate has become less heterogeneous over the years and, by the mid-1990s, developed a predominantly male, blue

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

right parties is considered to be more ‘moderate’, while the old/traditional subgroup is depicted as more ‘radical’. Indeed, rejection versus acceptance of the democratic system is usually also seen as the main distinction between right-wing extremist and right-wing populist parties, although most authors use this criterion to distinguish between two groups rather than two subgroups (e.g. Backes 1991; Betz 1994; Taggart 1995). In contrast to the views of these authors the analysis of the ideology of these five parties does not support a distinction within the group on

in The ideology of the extreme right
Open Access (free)
The Conservatives in crisis
Philip Lynch and Mark Garnett

social authoritarianism. Though the social liberal agenda is unlikely to prove electorally decisive and will repel some traditional conservatives, the cultural conservative agenda pursued by Hague after 1999 is an alien one to large numbers of voters under the age of forty. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems of continental Europe in 2002. But the experience of the Conservatives under Hague strongly suggests that the Tories will not regain power by appealing primarily to their

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

right-wing populist party, inspired by the electoral successes of the French FN. The two fought a fierce power struggle in which Handlos accused Schönhuber of wanting to put the REP on a rightwing extremist course. After a failed attempt to expel Schönhuber, Handlos stepped down as party chairman and left the party, followed a year later by Voigt. At the Bundesparteitag (federal party meeting) in June 1985 Schönhuber was elected chairman and Harald Neubauer, a former NPD member and Frey-journalist, party secretary. This strengthened the allegations in the chap2 28

in The ideology of the extreme right
Anti-Islam and anti-Muslim sentiments
Hilary Pilkington

, 2012: 675) enacted through ideas and practices that amalgamate all Muslims into one group and treat characteristics associated with Muslims (violence, misogyny, political allegiance/disloyalty, incompatibility with Western values, etc.) as if they are innate (Garner and Selod, 2015: 13). Islamophobia is dangerous because it provides a common ideological basis and programmatic platform for right-wing populist parties in Europe (Hafez, 2014; Skenderovic, Späti and Wildmann, 2014: 439) and the EDL is widely considered to be such an Islamophobic movement (Copsey, 2010: 5

in Loud and proud