Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

redistribution of power at the international level (from one dominant state since the 1980s, the US, to two now) stems from the rise of China. A kind of bipolarity – a system dominated by two centres of power – has been re-established in global politics. As in other areas – trade, environment, security, public health, transport – the return to bipolarity has had a major impact. The implications of this are simple but profound: rules and norms that conflict in some way with the preferences of the Chinese government will no longer necessarily be

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Christopher K. Colley and Sumit Gunguly

opportunities, to policies based on strategic hedging and the balance of power in the international order. This chapter specifically examines the relationship under the two Obama administrations and the first two years of the Trump administration. It argues that the overriding driver of Indo-US relations during this period was the mutual desire to hedge against the rise of China. Additionally, however, there were other factors influencing ties, chief among these economic considerations. As will be demonstrated, the focus on China and increasing trade links between the United

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Atul Bhardwaj

shift, Obama’s “Pivot” to Asia from around 2011 represented a fundamental reorientation of the US Navy from the Atlantic to the Pacific. This charting of a new course by the US Navy was not only aimed at revitalising US foreign policy but also stemming its own decline. 4 The chapter explores Obama’s and Trump’s maritime approaches in the Indo-Pacific against the backdrop of the continual rise of China’s Navy. The chapter also asks whether a continued reliance on Mahanian tenets – in particular, fleet engagements and securing overseas bases to control maritime domains

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Obama’s legacy in US China Policy
Peter Gries

different; it takes two, and the right international conditions, to make a successful bilateral relationship. This chapter will argue that circumstances conspired to undermine Obama’s China policy, and that the deterioration of US–China relations during his administration was largely beyond his control. Obama’s Pivot to Asia suffered from an inability to extract the United States from the wars in the Middle East he inherited from Bush, and the rise of Chinese nationalism stymied his hopes of resetting US–China relations. Obama’s Pivot to Asia did, however, leave both

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
An endangered legacy
Matteo Dian

Asia. Yet the rise of China had revolutionised the economic realities of the region, with all of Washington’s main regional allies increasingly dependent on China for trade and investment. Moreover, since the arrival of Chinese President Xi Jinping, Beijing has promoted a comprehensive blueprint of economic governance in Asia, based on Chinese leadership, values and rules. The most evident manifestations of this Chinese attempt to build alternative forms of economic governance have been the promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Asian Infrastructure

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
Michael Mastanduno

proposed the term “responsible stakeholder” to convey that China had benefited greatly from its integration into the American-led world economy, and in return needed to do its part to ensure global stability, defined in terms of the priorities of the US foreign policy agenda. 11 Obama’s team embraced China’s promise as a responsible stakeholder. The President frequently stated that the United States ‘welcomed the rise of China’ and characterised US–China relations as the most important bilateral relationship of our time. 12 The administration took opportunities to

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Oliver Turner

Obama’s two-term approach to the region. In particular, the so-called Pivot or Rebalance to Asia formally announced in late 2011, was the flagship international policy of the Obama presidency. The Pivot was envisioned as a grand strategic shift of US attention and resources from the post-9/11 theatres of Iraq and Afghanistan to a region deemed of foremost long-term significance. Most typically, it has been interpreted by observers as a response to the physical “riseof China. 33 However, the decision to Pivot to Asia was grounded not simply on understandings of a

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Bruce Cumings

, bipartisan fashion – regardless of which president or party happens to be in office – towards their desired policies. Hillary Clinton was the perfect Secretary of State for such people, as a quintessential product of the Beltway herself, beginning with her Watergate investigation days in the early 1970s. And on his arrival to the White House in 2009, Obama found a big problem, a smaller problem, and a clear remedy. The big problem was the physical rise of China, which needed somehow to be contained, while not disrupting global economic exchange. The remedy was to get

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
The state of surprise
Andrew Monaghan

elsewhere. The conflicts in the Middle East, the terrorist attacks on the USA on 11 September 2001 and the subsequent protracted wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the rise of China: these have been the major themes dominating the Western political and security agenda since 2001. Even during the war in Ukraine, attention to Russia was diluted by the Ebola virus, the civil wars in Syria and Libya and

in The new politics of Russia
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

, the Croat-dominated part of the country, Croatian flags are everywhere. This illustrates the difficulties of the international community in forging a national consensus in the region in conformity with internationally recognised borders.25 The Caucasus and the Caspian Sea region; Europe and the rise of China Europe has a major stake in political stability in the Caucasus and Central Asia, not least considering the oil wealth of the Caspian Sea region. The area is believed to contain up to 200 billion barrels of oil, worth as much as $4 trillion at current prices

in Destination Europe