that aid is rapidly becoming more dangerous. Simultaneously, there has
been a notable growth of interest in aid security, as evidenced by a number of key
publications ( Fast, 2014 ; Stoddard, 2020 ) and the advent of the AWSD
in 2005. Among aid organisations, there has also been a proliferation of security
guidance and training.
This perception of increasing risks has provoked two key responses: the
securitisation of aid and the development of a ‘duty of care’. The
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector
Kevin O’Sullivan and Réiseal Ní Chéilleachair
decisions and polices from their (often contested) origins through their
implementation and their consequences. Taking this a step further, the process
of mapping those narratives on to national, regional and international spaces
also helped to stimulate reflection on how changes in the operating environment,
such as the securitisation and militarisation of aid, shaped the practice of
humanitarianism in Somalia.
This chapter looks at the implementation and perception of the EU’s largest investment into the rule of law sector in the Western Balkans: the EU rule of law mission in Kosovo (EULEX). EU judges, prosecutors, investigators and customs officials were embedded into Kosovo’s rule of law institutions, directly dispensing justice in the most sensitive criminal proceedings. We argue that while the design of EULEX suffers from problems typically associated with liberal peacebuilding operations – lack of local ownership, technocratic approaches, and lack of accountability – the mission mandate embodied ambitions for conflict transformation. We build our argument by drawing on experiences of those most directly responsible for the execution of the EULEX mandate and those directly affected by its outcomes. Our data was collected as part of the EU Horizon 2020-funded EUNPACK project and comes from twenty-five in-depth interviews with practitioners familiar with the day-to-day work of the mission and its reception on the ground.
This is a start-of-the-art consideration of the European Union’s crisis response mechanisms. It brings together scholars from a range of disciplinary backgrounds to examine how and why the EU responds to crises on its borders and further afield. The work is based on extensive fieldwork in among another places, Afghanistan, Libya, Mali and Iraq. The book considers the construction of crises and how some issues are deemed crises and others not. A major finding from this comparative study is that EU crisis response interventions have been placing increasing emphasis on security and stabilisation and less emphasis on human rights and democratisation. This changes – quite fundamentally – the EU’s stance as an international actor and leads to questions about the nature of the EU and how it perceives itself and is perceived by others. The volume is able to bring together scholars from EU Studies and Peace and Conflict Studies. The result showcases concept and theory-building alongside case study research.
security from co-religious
kin within their states and beyond in what has become known as sectarianisation,
the securitisation of sect-based difference. As we shall see below, sectarianisation was a
key weapon in the armoury of a number of regimes, opening up questions about the
ordering of space in the process.
For Nader Hashemi and Danny Postel, sectarianisation is
an active process shaped by political actors operating within specific contexts,
pursuing political goals that involve the mobilisation of popular sentiments
around particular identity markers. Class
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
migrants (Frontex 2013). Hence, the specific nature of the (sea) border, coupled
Migrating borders and moving times
with the fact that border crossers usually follow illegal and non-conventional channels, increase the risk of deadly accidents. Most importantly, structural flaws in the
design of the policy of border security partly account for the growing number of
shipwrecks. For example, coastguard patrolling is embedded within a securitisation
framework designed to deter illegal migrants from entering the national sovereign
territory of the state (Leonard 2010
., 2017 ) – or simply enter through
less-protected and peripheral crossings. It is hard to believe, however,
that half a day of human rights training or counter-corruption training
at EUCAP would counteract this livelihood strategy (see Bøås et al ., 2018 : 21).
Rather, this may lead to further securitisation, cross-border
trafficking and smuggling (see Strazzari, 2015 ).
Many interviewees were
expanding the referents of security from states and
individuals to society , and on analysing how political
concerns come to be treated as security concerns. As Ole
Wæver, in the published version of the 1988 paper that launched
the concept of ‘securitisation’, put it: ‘State
security has sovereignty as its ultimate criterion, and societal
security has identity. Both usages imply survival. A state that