This book focuses on the ways in which the British settler colonies of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa treated indigenous peoples in relation to political rights, commencing with the imperial policies of the 1830s and ending with the national political settlements in place by 1910. Drawing on a wide range of sources, its comparative approach provides an insight into the historical foundations of present-day controversies in these settler societies.
Through a study of the British Empire's largest women's patriotic organisation, formed in 1900 and still in existence, this book examines the relationship between female imperialism and national identity. It throws light on women's involvement in imperialism; on the history of ‘conservative’ women's organisations; on women's interventions in debates concerning citizenship and national identity; and on the history of women in white settler societies. After placing the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE) in the context of recent scholarly work in Canadian, gender and imperial history, and post-colonial theory, the book follows the IODE's history through the twentieth century. Chapters focus upon the IODE's attempts to create a British Canada through its maternal feminist work in education, health, welfare and citizenship. In addition, the book reflects on the IODE's responses to threats to Anglo-Canadian hegemony posed by immigration, World Wars and Communism, and examines the complex relationship between imperial loyalty and settler nationalism. Tracing the organisation into the postcolonial era, where previous imperial ideas are outmoded, it considers the transformation from patriotism to charity, and the turn to colonisation at home in the Canadian North.
the imperial past and ideas that were seen as increasingly redundant in
modern Canadian society. Such adaptation is applicable on a wider scale
to the other former ‘white dominions’ or ‘settlersocieties’ of the British Empire, which have also developed
national identities out of their imperial pasts, simultaneously
fostering an attachment to the British Commonwealth. In its relationship
to the Empire
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips, and Shurlee Swain
of the mid- to late-nineteenth century assessed the political rights of
Indigenes and both the overt violence–coercion of other modes of
settler–colonial rule and the entrenched discrimination that continues
to characterise settlersocieties today.
Colonialism had a particular face in colonies such as Canada,
Australia, New Zealand and South Africa where large numbers of British and
other European settlers claimed a stake in
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
of metropole and colony in the
first place’. 17 For such purposes, I look at the imposition of
hegemony, not by the direct force of a colonizing power, but by the
mimicry of descendants from the constructed British imperial centre.
Hence, Canada as a ‘white settlersociety’ shapes my
research. The process of European settlement in past empires is now
problematized and un-settled. 18 Conquest
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Wordlists, songs, and knowledge production on the colonial Australian
/ Gamilaroi / Kamilaroi language (D23) (NSW SH55–12). 27 This archival source is a fair copy, made some time after the meeting, and it shows Dunlop’s grasp of key aspects of Indigenous languages and places, such as noting how place names are formed from dialect names, how adoption practices worked on the death of a parent, and the importance of kinship terms, such as ‘cousin or brother are often synonymous terms’. Two other brief comments link the local language-learning context to broader issues in settlersociety and global intellectual history: first, a note that a
Global Britishness and settler cultures in South Africa and New Zealand
Charles V. Reed
and trade. 1
Despite these celebrations, the settlersocieties of
British South Africa were deeply divided over the project, between
colonial politicians and merchants in the Western Cape, who would most
benefit from the improvement project, and the settlers of the Eastern
Cape, who were painfully far away from the harbour at Cape Town. In the
midst of a royal visit, the settler newspapers of the