This book focuses on the ways in which the British settler colonies of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa treated indigenous peoples in relation to political rights, commencing with the imperial policies of the 1830s and ending with the national political settlements in place by 1910. Drawing on a wide range of sources, its comparative approach provides an insight into the historical foundations of present-day controversies in these settler societies.
Through a study of the British Empire's largest women's patriotic organisation, formed in 1900 and still in existence, this book examines the relationship between female imperialism and national identity. It throws light on women's involvement in imperialism; on the history of ‘conservative’ women's organisations; on women's interventions in debates concerning citizenship and national identity; and on the history of women in white settler societies. After placing the Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE) in the context of recent scholarly work in Canadian, gender and imperial history, and post-colonial theory, the book follows the IODE's history through the twentieth century. Chapters focus upon the IODE's attempts to create a British Canada through its maternal feminist work in education, health, welfare and citizenship. In addition, the book reflects on the IODE's responses to threats to Anglo-Canadian hegemony posed by immigration, World Wars and Communism, and examines the complex relationship between imperial loyalty and settler nationalism. Tracing the organisation into the postcolonial era, where previous imperial ideas are outmoded, it considers the transformation from patriotism to charity, and the turn to colonisation at home in the Canadian North.
the imperial past and ideas that were seen as increasingly redundant in
modern Canadian society. Such adaptation is applicable on a wider scale
to the other former ‘white dominions’ or ‘settlersocieties’ of the British Empire, which have also developed
national identities out of their imperial pasts, simultaneously
fostering an attachment to the British Commonwealth. In its relationship
to the Empire
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips and Shurlee Swain
of the mid- to late-nineteenth century assessed the political rights of
Indigenes and both the overt violence–coercion of other modes of
settler–colonial rule and the entrenched discrimination that continues
to characterise settlersocieties today.
Colonialism had a particular face in colonies such as Canada,
Australia, New Zealand and South Africa where large numbers of British and
other European settlers claimed a stake in
of metropole and colony in the
first place’. 17 For such purposes, I look at the imposition of
hegemony, not by the direct force of a colonizing power, but by the
mimicry of descendants from the constructed British imperial centre.
Hence, Canada as a ‘white settlersociety’ shapes my
research. The process of European settlement in past empires is now
problematized and un-settled. 18 Conquest
Global Britishness and settler cultures in South Africa and New Zealand
Charles V. Reed
and trade. 1
Despite these celebrations, the settlersocieties of
British South Africa were deeply divided over the project, between
colonial politicians and merchants in the Western Cape, who would most
benefit from the improvement project, and the settlers of the Eastern
Cape, who were painfully far away from the harbour at Cape Town. In the
midst of a royal visit, the settler newspapers of the
Rumours of bones and the remembrance of an exterminated people in Newfoundland - the emotive immateriality of human remains
and at least two documentary films.25 A few years ago a Beothuk
musical entertained the tourists at Twillingate.26 Finally there are the
historians and archaeologists who dig through archives or into the
earth to know the Beothuk better and publish these contributions to
knowledge as articles and monographs.
There is, one could say, a whole culture of recursive revelation that
is oriented towards excavating the scene of a crime that is foundational to the becoming of Newfoundland as a settlersociety in which
people, in the denial or annihilation of any
ways. Colonial administrators and local elites imagined the royal tours
as instruments of imperial rule and social control, as methods of
inspiring obedience and loyalty to empire; transcending the divisions of
wealth, status, and class at home and in settlersocieties; naturalising
British rule in African, Asian, and Pacific societies; and creating an
illusion of consent with the ‘ruled
indigenous people, and
increasingly sympathetic to the claims for the restitution of land rights and
protection of the environment (Kunitz 2000). Members of the settlersocieties,
whose interests still conflict with those of indigenous people, tend to be far less
sympathetic to their claims to land, fishing rights and natural resources.
Within these very broad similarities, however, there are great differences
among countries that are shaped by their histories of contact and by the differences among and within both the settler and the indigenous societies. For ease