positions from which they could be obtained simply because they had less
natural talent than those who succeeded.
For a sophisticated recent defence of this idea, see
D. Miller, Principles of SocialJustice (Cambridge, MA, Harvard
University Press, 1999), ch. 8.
See Rawls, A Theory of Justice
All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.
Ordinary Intimacies in Emerson, Du Bois, and Baldwin
This essay reads James Baldwin in conversation with two unexpected interlocutors
from the American nineteenth and twentieth centuries: Ralph Waldo Emerson and W.
E. B. Du Bois. What draws these historically distant and intellectually
different thinkers together, their differences making their convergences all the
more resonant and provocative, is a shared mode of attention they bring to the
social crises of their eras. It is a mode of attention foregrounding how the
often unobserved particulars and emotional registers of human life vitally shape
civic existence; more specifically, a mode of attention provoking us to see how
“a larger, juster, and fuller future,” in Du Bois’s words,
is a matter of the ordinary intimacies and estrangements in which we exist,
human connections in all their expressions and suppressions. Emerson names them
“facts [. . .] harder to read.” They are “the
finer manifestations,” in Du Bois’s terms, “of social life,
which history can but mention and which statistics can not count”;
“All these things,” Baldwin says, “[. . .]
which no chart can tell us.” In effect, from the 1830s to the 1980s these
thinkers bear witness to what politics, legislation, and even all our knowledges
can address only partially, and to the potentially transformative compensations
we might realize in the way we conduct our daily lives. The immediate relevance
and urgency this essay finds in their work exists not in proposed political
actions, programs for reform, or systematic theories of social justice but in
the way their words revitalize the ethical question “How shall I
live?” Accumulative and suggestive rather than systematically comparative
or polemical, this essay attempts to engage with Emerson, Du Bois, and Baldwin
intimately, to proceed in the spirit of their commitment to questioning received
disciplines, languages, and ways of inhabiting the world.
and efficiency of aid delivery
implicitly override the principle of humanity. And the search for solutions to
today’s increasingly protracted crises overshadows the need for socialjustice.
In some ways, this supposed tension between a strictly technical and neutral
humanitarian action and a more political and morally driven one has existed for some
time. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) starkly illustrates this tension.
It may be built into the DNA of the
Congolese socialjustice activists
created in Goma in 2012.
Brabant (2016) . My press articles
on the DRC have also been published by Mediapart ,
Arrêt sur images and La
Arretsurimages.net is a French website devoted to the
analysis and criticism of journalistic practices. It
liberal states in action. As Duncan Bell observes: ‘Self-declared liberals have
supported extensive welfare states and their abolition; the imperial civilizing mission and its
passionate denunciation; the necessity of socialjustice and its outright rejection; the
perpetuation of the sovereign state and its transcendence; massive global redistribution of
wealth and the radical inequalities of the existing order’ ( Bell, 2014 : 683).
Norms can also be supported by the idea that a world of rules and norms has benefits for
Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell, and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
Dignity and Solidarity to Response and
Research ’, in
Lysaught , M.
Catholic Bioethics and SocialJustice: The Praxis of US Health Care
in a Globalized World ( Collegeville,
MN : Liturgical Press ),
343 – 57 .
O’Mathúna , D
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a089d2e5274a27b20002a5/clist-dercon-PbR.pdf (accessed 7 January 2020).
Cochrane , L. ( 2017 ), Strengthening Food Security in Rural Ethiopia .
Dissertation submitted to the University of British Columbia, Kelowna, Canada .
Cochrane , L. , Corbett , J. , Evans , M. and Gill , M. ( 2017 ),
‘Searching for SocialJustice in Crowdsourced Mapping’
Cartography and Geographic Information Science , 44 : 6 , 507 – 20 .
. ( 2018 ), Comparative Study of
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
independent Bangladesh (1970–72), through the sector’s intervention in
Cambodia, El Salvador and elsewhere, its expansion into development and socialjustice issues, and, finally, the popular fundraising extravaganza of Live Aid in
Lasse: Placing Biafra in the longue durée of
colonial history is indeed significant. There was a colonial baggage of
humanitarianism, echoes of colonial optic and colonial iconography; colonialism
Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats
‘neo-liberal convergence’ thesis.
Social exclusion, socialjustice and the Third
The core objective of the Labour
Government’s social exclusion strategy is to shift individuals
from welfare to work using a mix of carrots and sticks. The aim is
to get back into employment those capable but currently not working