dispense HIV drugs. It also allowed us to test some simplified care strategies without having to get validation by national authorities. Social Mobilisation Elba Rahmouni: The project’s success was predicated on significant behaviour changes on the part of the population. What did you do to bring about those changes, and with what successes and failures? Pierre Mendiharat: The relationship between caregivers and the cared-for is always
the DRC, a bande dessinée on social mobilisation in North Kivu 3 and a non-fiction book on eastern Congolese fighters 4 ; my contemporaneous work as a ‘media’ journalist for the Arrêt sur images website 5 for which I inventoried and examined the practices of journalists who had worked in the DRC 6 ; my social science
Introduction During the 2014 West African Ebola epidemic, an estimated US$ 10 billion was spent to contain the disease in the region and globally. The response brought together multilateral agencies, bilateral partnerships, private enterprises and foundations, local governments and communities. Social mobilisation efforts were pivotal components of the response architecture ( Gillespie et al. , 2016 ; Laverack and Manoncourt, 2015 ; Oxfam International, 2015
This chapter shows how successive yellow fever vaccines, conceived as complex sociotechnical constructs, have been involved in the construction of the Brazilian nation state. Three distinct periods in the country’s political history are distinguished: the patriarchal oligarchic state (1822-1930), the national developmentalist state (1930-80), and the state which has since then oscillated between liberal dependency and national interventionism. The successful campaigns against yellow fever run by Oswaldo Cruz formed the backbone for the founding myth of scientific public health and medicine in Brazil. The trajectory of the yellow fever vaccine manufactured at the Oswaldo Cruz Institute, which eventually became the biggest producer worldwide, coincides with economic, welfare, and labour policies that principally benefited urban groups. Rural populations would be the main recipients of the yellow fever vaccine, and it became an important component when national agencies tackled endemic diseases in the interior. Immunisation programmes have helped strengthen the country’s health system, disseminating a culture of prevention. The social mobilisation achieved by the yellow fever and other vaccination campaigns led to new relationships between communities and health services.
increased leisure time. Such claims support the point of Smith et al. (2010) that sustainable-energy transitions are more about distributed social mobilisation than technological innovation. Attention to differences across the full spectrum of intragenerational relationships to energy in the community niche is therefore important so that any concerns about distributive justice might be investigated within this ‘ “[micro]geography” of beneficiaries and risk-bearers’ (Eames and Hunt, 2013: 58). Finally, the anticipated human and environmental harms to future generations
contemplated the expansion of incinerators for household waste. However, at that time social mobilisation and the high cost of this technology prevented its establishment. Waste incineration has now re-emerged in many places around the global south as waste-to-energy plants, and typically involves processes of anaerobic digestion of organic wastes (Demaria and Schindler, 2016 ; Gutberlet, 2012 ; Platt, 2004 ). Unlike incineration more broadly, which involves complex conflicts with local recyclers due to the shared material feedstock, anaerobic digestion mainly involves
‘union’ republics since the 1960s. Among these conditions were the recognition of an ethnic identity as a national one (i.e. ethnic nationalism versus civic nationalism), the promotion of the ethnic cadre and ‘intelligentsia’, and the creation of a hierarchy of quasi-sovereign national-territorial units.1 Social mobilisation during Gorbachev’s perestroika turned into ethnonational movements under slogans calling for the restoration (or the creation) of T 174 Conflict management in the Caucasus national autonomy for the ‘historical territory of a particular ethnic
The divergence of identity and territory: retarded nation-building? In the Westphalian model that European expansion ostensibly globalised, a relative congruence between identity and sovereignty, between nation and state, endows states and the states system with legitimacy. Social mobilisation creates, in modernising societies, receptivity to identification with larger communities – nations – potentially coterminous with a state; in an age of nationalism, such identity communities seek a state and state leaders seek to
business interests) this is viewed as a defence reflex to preserve social benefits rather than in terms of a European ideal of solidarity. EMU and social policy are in that respect two major topics among the Belgian population. This is not to say that there is a major social mobilisation in Belgium around the Union. Indeed the debates on the Amsterdam Treaty, for instance, might be seen as particularly shallow. 2444Ch3 3/12/02 2:02 pm Page 83 Belgium 83 The control of EC law: the Belgian legal order and the supremacy of EC law The milestone decision of the Belgian
coincided with several US documentary films about AIDS activism (United in Anger, 2013; How to Survive a Plague, 2012; Vito, 2011; We Were Here, 2010; Sex in an Epidemic, 2010). Instead of commemorating past political and social mobilisation, Don’t Ever Wipe Tears Without Gloves, as a novel and a TV series, foregrounded public mourning over the loss of lives and communities during the HIV/AIDS epidemic by depicting a circle of gay friends: Rasmus, Benjamin, Paul, Seppo, Lars-Åke, Bengt, and Reine. The three-part structure of both the novel and the television drama