Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.
Class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic
official documentation of the EU makes considerable play about concepts
such as ‘socialsolidarity’ and removing forms of ‘social exclusion’.24
The various Irish social partnership agreements have taken up and
amplified these themes. One writer has claimed that the Irish model of
social partnership is an example of a ‘competitive corporatist’ strategy
which has much to offer Europe as a whole:
One of the futures that may prove appropriate for many European countries
is that of ‘competitive corporatist’ social pacts which seek consensual and,
in so far as is possible, an
and healthcare undertaken by Labour since 1997, but also sketches in
the government’s controversial use of market mechanisms in public service
delivery and their consequences for core social democratic objectives such
as equality and socialsolidarity. Part II concludes with a chapter that traces
the evolution of international approaches to social democracy. Gerassimos
Moschonas looks at the impact of European integration on social democracy in this period and argues that the particular institutional structure
of the EU poses a further significant constraint on the
businesses sought to increase productivity from the mid-1980s on,
combined with good levels of pension for the early retirers; in France, the
generous pension system allows people to retire on good pensions after a
relatively short working life.
What these snapshots of the three welfare systems show is that, on a
world scale, the similarities among the three systems are more obvious
than the differences: the settlement between labour and the state to
provide tax and contribution funded socialsolidarity in old age and in
periods of unemployment remains intact. The
erga omnes effects, but only after consultation with an independent group of experts, and the replacement of the special minimum wage for
youth by experience-based subminimum wages for a maximum of two years
(Hellenic Republic, Ministry of Labour, Social Security and SocialSolidarity
Making work more equal
The UK: a case of ‘crowding out’?
The UK is quite different: the government intervened in 2016 to raise the
minimum wage over a medium-term period in order both to arrest the stagnant
trend in real earnings growth and to reduce public
invest too much in common origin and the like to be open to
adjustment in the direction of civic consciousness. Dangerous though it is,
the ethnic nation may be more compatible with what people really need.
Yet, something does seem to be happening, certainly across the
rich part of the world. To be sure, for some people the baby of socialsolidarity has been thrown out with the bath water of nationalism.
Nationalism is irrelevant
A. De Giorgi, Zero Tolleranza. Strategie e
pratiche della societǎ di controllo (Roma, DeriveApprodi,
2000), pp. 106–7.
H.L.A. Hart, ‘SocialSolidarity and the
Enforcement of Morals’ (first published 1968), in H.L.A. Hart,
Essays in Jurisprudence
model and a greater degree of socialsolidarity, primarily through
collective class identities. The desire to recreate a traditional
Labour Party based on this model neglects what the Third Way
recognises: that processes such as economic and cultural
globalisation, changes in employment and the decline of collective
solidarities have radically altered the frame of reference for any
as a member in a particular polity,” Bauböck writes,
“but also on that polity being governed democratically” (p. 41).
Those who have a shared interest in self-government will also have a shared
interest in the “flourishing” of that polity.
Does that suffice to build the socialsolidarity necessary to
sustain a state? (Words like “solidarity” and “bonds”
go missing in describing stakeholder citizenship, where “collective
evacuation and bombing, Titmuss encompassed two of
its most significant factors; but this, it should be noted, ignored the
HALF THE BATTLE
role of other factors that might have had a bearing on morale. It is
a problem of the historiography more generally, that much of what
has been written also relates only to evacuation and air raids and is
also often limited to the period September 1939–June 1941, thereby
leaving relatively neglected the longer period to the end of the war.
Titmuss’s belief in the strengthening of socialsolidarity was