Institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women
Editor: Shirin M. Rai

The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the status of women, acquired international relevance during the World Conference on the International Women's Year, in Mexico City in 1975. This book reflects Division for the Advancement of Women's (DAW) long-standing interest in the area of national machineries, bringing together the experiences, research and insights of experts. The first part of the book sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the conceptual level. It reflects upon five aspects of democratization: devolution or decentralization; the role of political parties; monitoring and auditing systems; and the importance of increasing the presence of women within institutions of the state and government. The second part is a comparative analysis and sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the political level. A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. Next comes the 'lessons learned' by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. National machineries should have an achievable agenda, an important part of which must be 'a re-definition of gender issues. The third part contains case studies that build upon the specific experiences of national machineries in different countries. The successful experience of Nordic countries in gender mainstreaming is also discussed.

The Ecuadorian experience
Silvia Vega Ugalde

women’s organizations.2 The national political context CPME was formed at a time when the state body responsible for women’s issues was in transition. The Direccion Nacional de la Mujer, DINAMU (National Office for Women), was one entity among many within the Ministry of Social Welfare. It had a weak political presence and a limited budget, and was dependent, in administrative and THE ECUADORIAN EXPERIENCE 119 financial terms, on the Ministry. The marked political instability that has characterized Ecuador’s recent history was also evident in DINAMU, especially

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Looking forward
Shirin M. Rai

, preferably at the top of the state hierarchy • Increasing levels of women’s participation in political institutions through quota or other appropriate policies • Administrative infrastructure • Access to the highest policymaking bodies • Access to information needed to monitor state bodies • Transparency of bureaucratic/ state procedures in gender mainstreaming • Lobby the government to establish a national machinery for women in order to mainstream gender equality issues in policy at all levels • Monitor the government’s work on gender mainstreaming from the outside

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

competition’ are supportive of their agendas, and if ‘the state and its bureaucracies . . . [have the will] and capacity to enforce change in the culture and practices of [their] bureaucracies’ (pp. 91–2). A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. In chapter 4, Nuket Kardam and Selma Acuner focus on ‘lessons learned’ by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. Linking this assessment to the debates on ‘good governance

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

presence of women within state bodies at all levels. Defining issues What is gender mainstreaming? It can be defined as ‘the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy of making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

jurisdiction of the electoral heads of the regions’.15 This statement reminds one of pronouncements made during the Soviet era about the proper role of the party and state bodies. The party was charged with ‘leading and guiding’ the work of state bodies, but not ‘supplanting’ them. Of course, what happened in practice was quite the opposite, party bodies did meddle in the affairs of state bodies, often hindering, rather than helping them to carry out their administrative functions. It would appear that the polpredy may face a similar dilemma in their relations with the

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio

development alongside social organisations and trade unions (see Martínez Lucio and Connolly, 2012). One could argue that trade unions have been linked to various state bodies and representative structures, although you could not claim that Spain has a strong corporatist system of labour relations – however, as discussed later, a debate on this does exist. The link to the political parties is much more flexible but relations with the main right and left parties up until this time were fluid, with the left relatively united in terms of social dialogue (for some, the two

in Making work more equal
Cameron Ross

based on federal principles, the party, which declared itself to be ‘the leading and guiding force in society’, was a unitary body. Moreover, party and state bodies operated under the principle of ‘democratic centralism’, whereby each administrative level was subordinate to the level above it, and centralised control from Moscow. In 1989 Gorbachev publicly admitted that the republics’ rights of sovereignty were largely formal in nature, ‘Up to now’, he noted, ‘our state has existed as a centralized and unitary state and none of us has yet the experience of living in a

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Paul Collinson

development model from the outset. While Muntir na Tir did attempt to develop self-reliance and local autonomy among the communities it worked in, it was always (and continues to be) dependent on state funding, articulated through a partnership approach to engagement with state bodies: a relationship that has since been replicated throughout much of the community development sector (Varley 2009). This legacy, along with the long association of community development with rurality and agriculture, means that the environment has been seen largely as a resource to be exploited

in Alternative countrysides
Executive versus legislative power
Cameron Ross

subjects of the federation. In the charter of Primorskii krai it clearly states that no organ of state power has the right to adopt decisions which infringe the rights and competence of other state bodies. See, A. S. Avtonomov, A. A. Zakharov and E. M. Orlova, Regional¢nye Parlamenty v Sovremennoi Rossii, Nauchnaya Doklad, no. 18 (Moscow: MONF, 2000), p. 77. Gel¢man, ‘Subnational institutions’, p. 99. The rulings of the Constitutional Court are published in Rossiiskaya gazeta (February 1 and 17, 1996). For a discussion of the ruling on Altai Krai, see O. Barabanov

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia