This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.

Embodying the disappeared of the Argentinian dictatorship through law
Sévane Garibian

2 Seeking the dead among the living: embodying the disappeared of the Argentinian dictatorship through law 1 Sévane Garibian Y así seguimos andando curtidos de soledad, y en nosotros nuestros muertos pa’ que nadie quede atrás. (Atahualpa Yupanqui 2) Introduction The state policy of enforced disappearances in Argentina, planned and implemented during the military dictatorship of 1976–83, still has a striking effect today: in the absence of any corpses of the disappeared, the families seek the dead among the living. Their quest through the law embodies the

in Human remains and mass violence
Political and contemporary contexts of the Shows
Tracey Hill

, and collaboration, with the royal government’.6 Equally, out-and-out criticism of state policy or of the shortcomings of individuals, royal and otherwise, did not feature in the Shows. Such sentiments in civic circles at large were sometimes inchoate in any case; where they were expressed, this tended to occur subtly and tentatively, in coded language and through the careful use of selected figures and emblems.7 I therefore follow Curtis Perry’s judicious approach: one should see the Shows not as ‘points on a graph leading to increased opposition between the city and

in Pageantry and power
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio

, 2008; Jessop, 2002: 42; for a further discussion, see MacKenzie and Martínez Lucio, 2014). To this extent, the question of coordination of such levels and different approaches in public policy and state agencies politically and organisationally is one we need to be alert to (Crouch, 1993). What is more, the state intervenes not just in social spaces but also in ideological ones where specific issues, sensibilities and even national debates develop and configure the nature and impact of state policies (Locke and Thelen, 2006). Within these social and ideological

in Making work more equal
Georg Elwert

become realms of predictability. Under them, long-term investments in intellectual formation and the means of production also make sense for persons far from the centres of power. The lack of a monopoly of violence produces (under competitive conditions) spaces open to violence – violence fields. In these violence fields, people invest individually in the social and physical conditions of security in much higher proportions. Development, growth or productive innovation are not their preoccupations. The general practice of state policy towards violence fields organised by

in Potentials of disorder
Mobilising affect in feminist, queer and anti-racist media cultures

The power of vulnerability interrogates the new language of vulnerability that has emerged in feminist, queer and anti-racist debates about the production, use and meanings of media. The book investigates the historical legacies and contemporary forms and effects of this language. In today’s media culture, traumatic first-person or group narratives have popular currency, mobilising affect from compassion to rage to gain cultural visibility and political advantage. In this context, vulnerability becomes a kind of capital, a resource or an asset that can and has been appropriated for various groups and purposes in public discourses, activism as well as cultural institutions. Thus, politics of representation translates into politics of affect, and the question about whose vulnerability counts as socially and culturally legible and acknowledged. The contributors of the book examine how vulnerability has become a battleground; how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised language for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power; and how media activism and state policies address so-called vulnerable groups. While the contributors investigate the political potential as well as the constraints of vulnerability for feminist, queer and antiracist criticism, they also focus on the forms of agency and participation vulnerability can offer.

Open Access (free)
Gurharpal Singh

thereby have altered fundamentally the character of existing institutions and state policies. This mobilization has been associated with populist styles and idioms in political life in which personalities and symbolism have replaced effective delivery. According to Varshney (2000: 12–13), on the other hand, the change signifies the emergence of ‘plebeian politics’ along the lines of social democracy in Europe in the late nineteenth century. A visible transfer of power is taking place from the upper to lower castes, from the privileged to underprivileged and from the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Deaths at sea and unidentified bodies in Lesbos
Iosif Kovras and Simon Robins

– or unwilling – to enforce legal norms at its borders when they concern dead migrants. In Lesbos the result is that locally formed perspectives can challenge, in a limited way, the biopolitical discourse of the centre. The practical orientation of this work seeks to address how the periphery can influence the centre, and how state policy can be impacted by those who live at the border and who actively resist both the securitisation agenda and the racialised neglect of migrant bodies. The body of the dead migrant, found within the territorial borders of the EU but

in Migrating borders and moving times
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

). However, she suggests that while the National Commission for Women in India is potentially an important means for mainstreaming gender within the state policy-making structures, its weakening links with the women’s movement are a cause for worry as they are eroding its legitimacy in the very constituency from which it needs support. Together with the lack of political will of most political parties to mainstream gender in policy making, this constitutes an important obstacle for the Indian National Commission for Women. The thrust of Marian Sawer’s argument in chapter

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin and Steven Thompson

compensation payments through medical diagnosis and, possibly, legal judgement created a category of disabled workmen that possessed certain rights in law. Deborah Stone’s work posits disability as ‘a juridical and administrative construct of state policy’.9 As Gleeson insists, this is just a construct and it tells us nothing about the lived reality of the disabled person’s experiences of disability. Nevertheless, this designation of disability was extremely powerful, since, while it did not prevent poverty and was certainly not a permanent designation, it helped to

in Disability in industrial Britain