The Croatian historical statehood narrative
In his 1998 state of the nation address, the Croatian President Franjo Tuœman
noted that with the restoration of the Croatian Danube region including
Vukovar ‘to our homeland’, ‘[t]he centuries-old dream of the Croatian people
has thereby been completely fulfilled’.1 Similarly, the new constitution promulgated shortly after independence proclaimed ‘the millennial national identity of
the Croatian nation and the continuity of its statehood, confirmed by the
course of its entire historical experience in various statal
The Politics of ‘Proximity’ and Performing Humanitarianism in Eastern DRC
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Goffman , E. ( 1978 ), The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life ( Harmondsworth : Penguin Books ).
Hagmann , T. and Péclard , D. ( 2010 ), ‘Negotiating Statehood: Dynamics of Power and Domination in Africa’ , Development and Change , 41 : 4 , 539 – 62 .
Harrison , E. ( 2013 ), ‘Beyond the Looking Glass? “Aidland” Reconsidered’ , Critique of Anthropology , 33 : 3 , 263 – 79 .
Hilhorst , D. and Jansen , B. J. ( 2010 ), ‘Humanitarian Space as Arena: A Perspective on the Everyday
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Aditya Sarkar, Benjamin J. Spatz, Alex de Waal, Christopher Newton, and Daniel Maxwell
more-institutionalised statehood; rather, they are on different long-term
Because gaining and maintaining political power depends on the ability to mobilise
and control the means of violence and material reward, the core business of elite
players in political market systems is to secure discretionary cash (i.e. the
‘political budget’) or the ability to grant or withhold access to
material rewards (e.g. bribes, contracts, formal and informal
In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.
programme, or – as in the
case of the dissident intellectuals – to challenge such accounts. However, they all
attempted to give resonance to abstract ideas in the contemporary context.
After a discussion of the so-called ‘Franjoist’ narrative offered by President
Franjo Tuœman and his party, I will discuss alternative conceptions of identity
that were articulated by opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and the
Croatian diaspora. I argue that each of these ‘political entrepreneurs’ drew upon,
and offered interpretations of, the historical statehood thesis in order
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher
-Karabakh conﬂict was
midwife to the diﬀerent ways three post-Soviet entities organised their (recognised or unrecognised) statehood.
This chapter deals with the interdependence of institutional weakness of
states and the organisation of conﬂict. Institutional weakness of statehood is at
the same time both cause and consequence of violent conﬂict. On the one hand
the escalation of conﬂict into violence is connected with the local exploitation of
organisational voids in the oﬃcial Soviet institutions. On the other hand, reinstitutionalising non-violent conﬂict after war and forced
Chapter 3). During the 1990s competing political parties and intellectuals (the
second level) mobilised and reinterpreted narratives of historical statehood (the
first level) in order legitimise their political programmes. The ruling party (the
HDZ, Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica – Croatian Democratic Union) made
use of the bureaucratic power of the state to enforce its particular understanding of Croatian national identity. Although such ideas enjoyed salience
during the wars of 1991–95 there were always sites of resistance to this
dominant account of
contained here reveal the nation to be a terrain of
political competition in which the state is but one, albeit powerful and well
resourced, protagonist. Such disputes take place not only among political and
intellectual elites but also within a diverse range of social practices. The focus
here then is on how interpretations of the historical statehood narrative are
manifested in the identities that inform social practices. These chapters ask how
competing ideas about Croatian national identity are manifested in different
areas of social activity by considering the
EAST TIMOR WAS forcibly incorporated into Indonesia in 1975 and managed, through a confluence of circumstances that was at once remarkable and yet another example of a suppressed people snapping back like bent but unbroken twigs (to use Isaiah Berlin’s phrase), to become independent almost twenty-five years later. Now the territory, poised on the edge of statehood, is undergoing transition, but also flux and confusion. At the time of writing the United Nations Transitional Authority for East Timor (UNTAET) is effectively the Government of
This book critically examines the range of policies and programmes that attempt to manage economic activity that contributes to political violence. Beginning with an overview of over a dozen policies aimed at transforming these activities into economic relationships which support peace, not war, the book then offers a sustained critique of the reasons for limited success in this policy field. The inability of the range of international actors involved in this policy area, the Development-Security Industry (DSI), to bring about more peaceful political-economic relationships is shown to be a result of liberal biases, resulting conceptual lenses and operational tendencies within this industry. A detailed case study of responses to organised crime in Kosovo offers an in-depth exploration of these problems, but also highlights opportunities for policy innovation. This book offers a new framework for understanding both the problem of economic activity that accompanies and sometimes facilitates violence and programmes aimed at managing these forms of economic activity. Summaries of key arguments and frameworks, found within each chapter, provide accessible templates for both students and aid practitioners seeking to understand war economies and policy reactions in a range of other contexts. It also offers insight into how to alter and improve policy responses in other cases. As such, the book is accessible to a range of readers, including students interested in peace, conflict and international development as well as policy makers and practitioners seeking new ways of understanding war economies and improving responses to them.