The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the status of women, acquired international relevance during the World Conference on the International Women's Year, in Mexico City in 1975. This book reflects Division for the Advancement of Women's (DAW) long-standing interest in the area of national machineries, bringing together the experiences, research and insights of experts. The first part of the book sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the conceptual level. It reflects upon five aspects of democratization: devolution or decentralization; the role of political parties; monitoring and auditing systems; and the importance of increasing the presence of women within institutions of the state and government. The second part is a comparative analysis and sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the political level. A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. Next comes the 'lessons learned' by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. National machineries should have an achievable agenda, an important part of which must be 'a re-definition of gender issues. The third part contains case studies that build upon the specific experiences of national machineries in different countries. The successful experience of Nordic countries in gender mainstreaming is also discussed.
Issues concerning women
Issues concerning women
➤ The development of the women’s movement
➤ Descriptions of the legislation passed to improve the statusofwomen
➤ Review and analysis of remaining issues concerning the statusofwomen
Although the cause of improvement in the statusofwomen can be traced back
into the nineteenth century, the effective story must begin with the time when
women achieved the right to vote after a sustained campaign of civil disobedience and parliamentary campaigning. Women over 30 years old
statusofwomen is fundamentally linked
with land tenure and with socio-economic and political factors as much
as marital and family status. Noblewomen saw themselves as members
of the élite, as wives, mothers, sisters, daughters, widows and as women.
Such complex identities require a complex explanation. When Petronella
countess of Leicester ended up in a ditch indignantly throwing her rings
away, when Matilda countess of Chester visited Lincoln Castle in February 1141, or when Nichola de la Haye grimly clung on to her castle
during a long siege, they were not victims
crucial Cabinet submissions and Cabinet processes. Location within
the Prime Minister’s portfolio made access to Cabinet and
coordinating work across government much easier. In order
to strengthen gender advocacy within Cabinet itself, a minister assisting the Prime Minister for the statusofwomen
was subsequently appointed, briefed by the women’s unit
within the Prime Minister’s department. After some
misadventures, including exile in a low-ranking portfolio,
the Office of the StatusofWomen (OSW) returned to the
Prime Minister’s Department in 1983.
shirin m. rai
The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the
statusofwomen, acquired international relevance during
the World Conference on the International Women’s Year,
held in Mexico City, Mexico, in 1975, which called for
their establishment. The World Decade for Women (1976–
85), during which two other World Conferences on Women
were held (in Copenhagen,1 1980 and Nairobi,2 1985), gave
further impetus to the setting up of institutional mechanisms at the national level, to promote the statusofwomen.
By the end of
the postwar period connected scientific racism and fascist ideologies to the forms of cultural racism that, particularly, black migrants experienced when they started arriving in Italy ( 2013 : 274). My fieldwork was replete with obsessive talk, sometimes directed at women and sometimes emerging in discussions between Neapolitan and migrant men, about women who spent too much time in public spaces such as street markets, where their presence was not respectable and was potentially threatening to their honour. The statusofwomen in public spaces was connected to
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
qualities are universal and exhibited by all women, in all places and at
all times. However, the Israeli context renders problematic these basic
categories of feminist theory.
In Israel, women’s organizations, such as the
Israeli Women’s Network (IWN) and the Parliamentary Committee on
the StatusofWomen, have contradicted the assumptions of Western
feminists by waging a strong battle for women’s right to
collaboration, both nationally and internationally and
between absolutists and non-absolutists.
Robinson was also active within the Society of Friends, and involved
in decisions made over the statusofWomen’s Yearly Meeting. While
Priscilla Peckover argued for the continuance of separate Women’s
Meetings, seeing them as potentially useful for women Friends, Ellen
Robinson’s main focus was on the need for equality within the Society.
Women, she argued, ‘were either equal members, or not members of
the Society at all’. She did not argue for an end to separate meetings,
EQUALITY IN SWEDEN 153
In Iceland the first Act on the Equal Status and Equal
Rights of Women and Men came into force in 1976 (revised
in 1991). It aimed at establishing equal rights and equal
statusofwomen and men in every sphere and prohibiting
any form of gender discrimination. In May 2000, a new Act
on the Equal Status and Equal Rights of Women and Men
was passed. A new Centre for Gender Equality has been
established which is in charge of administering the new
Act, as well as providing counselling and education in the
field of gender equality for governmental and