The 1990s witnessed an explosion in women's writing in France, with a particularly exciting new generation of writer's coming to the fore, such as Christine Angot, Marie Darrieussecq and Regine Detambel. This book introduces an analysis of new women's writing in contemporary France, including both new writers of the 1990s and their more established counter-parts. The 1990s was an exciting period for women's writing in France. The novels of Louise Lambrichs are brilliant but troubling psychological dramas focusing on the traumas that inhabit the family romance: incest, sterility, the death those we love and the terrible legacy of mourning. The body of writing produced by Marie Redonnet between 1985 and 2000 is an unusually coherent one. The book explores the possibility of writing 'de la mélancolie' through focusing on the work of Chantal Chawaf, whose writing may be described as 'melancholic autofiction', melancholic autobiographical fiction. It places Confidence pour confidence within Constant's oeuvre as a whole, and argues for a more positive reading of the novel, a reading that throws light on the trajectory of mother-daughter relations in her fiction. Christiane Baroche was acclaimed in France first as a short-story writer. Unable to experience the freedom of their brothers and fathers, beur female protagonists are shown to experience it vicariously through the reading, and the writing of, narratives. Clotilde Escalle's private worlds of sex and violence, whose transgressions are part of real lives, shock precisely because they are brought into the public sphere, expressed in and through writing.
Louise L. Lambrichs: trauma, dream and
The novels of Louise Lambrichs are brilliant but troubling psychological
dramas focusing on the traumas that inhabit the family romance: incest,
sterility, the death of those we love and the terrible legacy of mourning.
Bringing together themes of loss and recompense, Lambrichs’s novels trace
with inﬁnite delicacy the reactions of those who suﬀer and seek obsessively for comfort and understanding. But equally they perform a subtle and
often chilling evocation of the secrets, lies and crimes that
When the National Birth Control Association changed its name to the Family Planning Association in 1939, its members broadened the scope of the work of the association and extended it to providing advice for women and treatments for ‘involuntary sterility, minor gynaecological ailments and difficulties connected with the marriage relationships’.
This happened in a context where the mental hygiene movement and social psychiatry were gaining traction in interwar Britain, placing an emphasis
campaign for municipal clinics, and won its first battle in July 1930 when the Ministry of Health, through Memorandum 153/MCW, allowed contraceptive advice to be given in local maternity clinics to married women for whom further pregnancy would be detrimental to health.
In 1926, a compilation titled Medical Views on Birth Control was published in which most of the authors repeated their moral reluctance to accept birth control and affirmed that its use caused sterility. This publication, Soloway explains, marked a turning point within the medical
. Quigley, S. Chan and J. Harris (eds), Stem Cells: New
Frontiers in Science and Ethics, London: World Scientific Publishing, 137–62.
Dondorp, W., and de Wert, G. (2011) ‘Innovative reproductive technologies: risks
and responsibilities’, Human Reproduction, 26.7: 1604–8.
Ethics Committee of the American Society for Reproductive Medicine (2013),
‘Donating embryos for human embryonic stem cell (hESC) research: a committee
opinion’, Fertility and Sterility, 100: 935–9.
European Commission (2011), ec.europa.eu/dgs/legal_service/arrets/10c034_en.pdf
(last accessed 3 November
of assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs) is to
‘help solve the reproductive problems caused by human sterility or infertility
. . . when there are no other therapeutic means to remove the causes of
sterility or infertility’ (Legge 40, 2004, art. 1). However, the law specifically
stipulates that access to such technologies is limited to ‘adult couples of
different sex, married or cohabiting, of reproductive age, both living’ (Legge
40, 2004, art. 5).
A draft bill recently proposed in India would see access to surrogacy
restricted to heterosexual couples married
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
a human right was also a means to ally politicians and governments, who might plausibly have been reluctant to support a feminist narrative. Another aim was to stimulate appropriate research in the following subjects: ‘the biological, demographic, social, economic and eugenic implications of human fertility and its control; methods of contraception; fertility, sub-fertility and sterility; sex education and marriage counselling’,
thus broadening the concept of ‘planned parenthood’.
, 22.1: 1271–6.
Brännström, M., Johannesson L., and Bokstrom H. et al. (2015), ‘Livebirth after
uterus transplantation’, The Lancet, 385.9968: 607–16.
New frontiers in surgery
Brännström, M., Johannesson L., and Dahm-Kahler P. et al. (2014), ‘First clinical
uterus transplantation trial: a six month report’, Fertility and Sterility, 101.5:
Brännström, M., Wranning C. A., and Altchek, A. (2010), ‘Experimental uterus
transplantation’, Human Reproduction Update, 16.3: 329–45.
Caplan, A. L., Kimberly, L. L., Parent, B., Sosin, M., and Rodrigues, E. D
aﬃrm inter-subjectivity (Tronto
1993; Borneman 1997b). Such care might take the form of a politics of sterility,
which necessarily focuses radically on the present. This may be called the ethics
of ‘caring for the enemy’.
Recuperation of loss through revenge
Revenge, too, increases the likelihood of violence. Revenge is an exchange, a form
of taking-turn, in which individuals or groups engage in reciprocal violence.
Much like the physical reproduction discussed above, revenge is an attempt to
recover a loss. It is often motivated by individual frustration with