This book provides an account of the University of Manchester's struggle to meet the government's demands for the rapid expansion of higher education in the 1950s and the 1960s. It looks at the University's ambitious building programme: the controversial attempts to reform its constitution and improve its communications amid demands for greater democracy in the workplace, the struggle to retain its old pre-eminence in a competitive world where new ‘green field’ universities were rivalling older civic institutions. The book tells the story, not just from the point of view of administrators and academics, but also from those of students and support staff (such as secretaries, technicians and engineers). It not only uses official records, but also student newspapers, political pamphlets and reminiscences collected through interviews.
proceedings were less decorous, debates were conducted with passion,
and votes were often taken. The Department seemed, as a former professor had observed from his position in the chair, to resolve itself into
those who turned red when they lost their tempers and those who went
white when they lost their tempers. The inconsequential tone of some
debates found a satirist in the departmental studentnewspaper, The
Clarion, whose motto was ‘Backwards and Forwards with the People’.
The writer conjured up all too vividly an imaginary debate on the compulsory
’s controversial and offensive advertisement, ‘Ten Reasons Why
Reparations for Slavery is a Bad Idea for Blacks – and Racist Too’ was placed
in studentnewspapers across US campuses in spring of 2001. Among its ‘reasons’ against reparations: ‘while white Europeans conducted the transAtlantic slave trade, Arabs and black Africans were responsible for enslaving
the ancestors of African Americans’; the claim that African Americans economically benefited from slavery; the claim that ‘there was never an antislavery movement until white Anglo-Saxon Christians created one’, leading
with it of all the Union’s publicity; the other, of Events, including the
The students: life and opinions
Introductory Week and most of the light entertainment which the
Union subsequently provided. Four lesser officers, who did not enjoy
sabbatical status, made up the rest of the Union Executive. They were
the Internal Officer, the Postgraduate Officer, the Overseas Officer,
and the Ordinary Officer without Portfolio.
Apart from the Executive there was a much larger Union Council
which had forty
denial of the validity of the democratic theory.’ Studentnewspapers were even more blunt. The University of British Columbia
studentnewspaper the Daily Ubyssey (Vancouver), 3 November
1948, reported that the IODE, through its campaign, was
inadvertently serving as a good publicist for the dean. Meanwhile,
the 9 November 1948 editions of Varsity and the McGill
by generosity towards those who came to their countries as
students. Other more pragmatic arguments, urged in the Senate, in
studentnewspapers and in some official publications, appealed to
national self-interest: students educated in the United Kingdom
would become influential figures in their own nations, promoting
good will towards Britain, strengthening commercial ties and encouraging their countrymen to buy British products.
Most telling, perhaps, was the contention that without the presence
of overseas students the University would be unable to run certain
colleagues had taken the precaution of slipping into the Council Chamber an hour before the advertised time of the meeting. One student
was charged with assaulting the police, but subsequently escaped with
a light fine and costs; two others, according to the studentnewspaper,
received hospital treatment for concussion sustained in the melée, and
a third had an epileptic fit after being knocked down by a policeman.
Frustrated, the students again occupied part of the main block while
Senate was in session; receiving the news in the Council Chamber, the
the use of force against the students.
[N]ewspaper and television stations, retired generals, university presidents, members of the National People’s Congress and the democratic parties, and even the All-China Federation of Trade Unions – expressed public sympathy for the student demands for negotiation, or donated money to the student hunger strikers’ while factory workers drove trucks to the square in solidarity. (Walder, 1996: 61)
The declaration of martial law in Beijing was met with widespread resistance and
, the state and the housing
corporations offered the couples social housing.
During this same year, a university studentnewspaper
featured an announcement that sought people to live in buildings in
which a group of students had squatted. Although these buildings were
evicted within a few months, there were reports of
internal conflicts between the “legitimate residents,” who
had organized the squatting of the buildings, and “illegitimate
residents,” who moved in afterwards. With the exception of these