of my forthcoming book ( Evans, 2021 ).
Arendt , H. ( 1970 ), On Violence ( New York : Harvest Books ).
Arendt , H. ( 1976 ), The Origins of Totalitarianism ( New York : Harcourt Brace ).
Bauman , Z. ( 1991 ), Modernity and the Holocaust ( Cambridge : Polity Press ).
Brassier , R. ( 2007 ), Nihil Unbound: Enlightenment and Extinction ( New York : Palgrave Macmillan ).
Cavarero , A. ( 2007 ), Horrorism: Naming Contemporary Violence ( New York : Columbia University Press ).
Deleuze , G. ( 1995
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
Corpses and mass violence: an inventory of the unthinkable
. Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace,
5 F. Dikötter, Mao’s Great Famine: The History of China’s Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958–1962 (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2010).
6 B. Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia
Under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79 (Yale: Yale University Press, 1996).
7 R. Cribb (ed.), The Indonesian Killings of 1965–1966: Studies from Java
and Bali, Monash Papers on Southeast Asia No. 21 (Clayton: Centre of
Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1990).
8 J. P. Chrétien
The major part of this book project was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 700913. This book is about two distinct but related professional cultures in late Soviet
Russia that were concerned with material objects: industrial design and
decorative art. The Russian avant-garde of the 1920s is broadly recognised to
have been Russia’s first truly original contribution to world culture. In
contrast, Soviet design of the post-war period is often dismissed as hackwork
and plagiarism that resulted in a shabby world of commodities. This book
identifies the second historical attempt at creating a powerful alternative to
capitalist commodities in the Cold War era. It offers a new perspective on the
history of Soviet material culture by focusing on the notion of the ‘comradely
object’ as an agent of progressive social relations that state-sponsored Soviet
design inherited from the avant-garde. It introduces a shared history of
domestic objects, handmade as well as machine-made, mass-produced as well as
unique, utilitarian as well as challenging the conventional notion of utility.
Situated at the intersection of intellectual history, social history and
material culture studies, this book elucidates the complexities and
contradictions of Soviet design that echoed international tendencies of the late
twentieth century. The book is addressed to design historians, art historians,
scholars of material culture, historians of Russia and the USSR, as well as
museum and gallery curators, artists and designers, and the broader public
interested in modern aesthetics, art and design, and/or the legacy of socialist
This book is about science in theatre and performance. It explores how theatre and performance engage with emerging scientific themes from artificial intelligence to genetics and climate change. The book covers a wide range of performance forms from the spectacle of the Paralympics Opening Ceremony to Broadway musicals, from experimental contemporary performance and opera to educational theatre, Somali poetic drama and grime videos. It features work by pioneering companies including Gob Squad, Headlong Theatre and Theatre of Debate as well as offering fresh analysis of global blockbusters such as Wicked and Urinetown. The book offers detailed description and analysis of theatre and performance practices as well as broader commentary on the politics of theatre as public engagement with science. It documents important examples of collaborative practice with extended discussion of the Theatre of Debate process developed by Y Touring theatre company, exploration of bilingual theatre-making in East London and an account of how grime MCs and dermatologists ended up making a film together in Birmingham. The interdisciplinary approach draws on contemporary research in theatre and performance studies in combination with key ideas from science studies. It shows how theatre can offer important perspectives on what the philosopher of science Isabelle Stengers has called ‘cosmopolitics’. The book argues that theatre can flatten knowledge hierarchies and hold together different ways of knowing.
Multiculturalism (Cambridge, Polity Press, 2001).
J.-J. Rousseau, The Social Contract and Other
Later Political Writings , tr. V. Gourevitch (Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1998), p. 63.
On the differences between sorts of nationalism, see
H. Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (first
antisemitism. 16 In The Origins of
Totalitarianism she criticised theories of antisemitism that deny ‘all
specific Jewish responsibility’ for its emergence and held that the origins
of antisemitism ‘must be found in certain aspects of Jewish history and
specifically Jewish functions during the last centuries’. 17 Arendt's emphasis on Jewish
responsibility exposed her to the criticism that she focused on the
transgressions of Jews – they ‘avoided all political
authors’ French by
Cadenza Academic Translations.
2 H. Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace,
3 E. Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991
(London: Abacus, 1994).
4 S. H. James & J. J. Nordby (eds), Forensic Science: An Introduction to
Scientific and Investigative Techniques (Boca Raton: Taylor & Francis,
5 R. Hertz, ‘A contribution to the study of the collective representation
of death’, in Death and the Right Hand (Glencoe: Free Press, 1960), pp.
6 It is within the framework of this
has served as the principal military enforcer of
democracy against totalitarianism, in its various guises.
The Truman presidency (1945–52) rejected US isolationism, both for pragmatic reasons (the Soviet Union and China
would exploit such a withdrawal through expansionism)
and for ideological motives, the ‘imponderable, but nevertheless drastic effects on our beliefs in ourselves and in our
way of life of a deliberate decision to isolate ourselves’ (in
Etzold and Gaddis 1978: 432). President Truman’s National
Security Council (NSC) articulated the worth of defending
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.