Setting the precedent

This book is an attempt at a comprehensive presentation of the history of humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century, the heyday of this controversial doctrine. It starts with a brief presentation of the present situation and debate. The theoretical first part of the book starts with the genealogy of the idea, namely the quest for the progenitors of the idea in the sixteenth and seventeenth century which is a matter of controversy. Next the nineteenth century ‘civilization-barbarity’ dichotomy is covered and its bearing on humanitarian intervention, with its concomitant Eurocentric/Orientalist gaze towards the Ottomans and other states, concluding with the reaction of the Ottomans (as well as the Chinese and Japanese). Then the pivotal international law dimension is scrutinized, with the arguments of advocates and opponents of humanitarian intervention from the 1830s until the 1930s. The theoretical part of the book concludes with nineteenth century international political theory and intervention (Kant, Hegel, Cobden, Mazzini and especially J.S. Mill). In the practical second part of the book four cases studies of humanitarian intervention are examined in considerable detail: the Greek case (1821-1831), the Lebanon/Syria case (1860-61), the Balkan crisis and Bulgarian case (1875-78) in two chapters, and the U.S. intervention in Cuba (1895-98). Each cases study concludes with its bearing on the evolution of international norms and rules of conduct in instances of humanitarian plights. The concluding chapter identifies the main characteristics of intervention on humanitarian grounds during this period and today’s criticism and counter-criticism.

Open Access (free)
‘Commonwealth’ politics under George I, 1714–22
Justin Champion

:23 am The war against tyranny and prejudice This clarion call against the incipient threat of dangerous priests, was reiterated in a number of other pamphlets which were shrill and unbridled in their critique of the Church. ‘Busie and seditious clergymen’ needed restraint.6 ‘High Church drummers’ used their pulpits to broadcast sedition and encourage Jacobite restoration. Pulpits were ‘wooden Engines’ for the advance of passive obedience and other ‘slavish notions’. They had been the ‘armed instruments of Tyranny … in most countries’. To allow oneself to be ‘prated

in Republican learning
The Druids and the origins of ancient virtue
Justin Champion

of his scribal works. A politician of impeccable Whig credentials, Molesworth had made his republican reputation with the publication of his Account of Denmark (1694) that indicted civil tyranny and priestcraft in equal measure. On the margins of ministerial influence in the 1700s although a continuing member of the Irish Privy Council, Molesworth devoted considerable energies to preserving the declining fortunes of his estates in England and Ireland. After the accession of George I, his political kudos as torchbearer of the ‘true Whig’ tradition, projected him

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
Roman ‘tyranny’ and radical Catholic opposition
S.J. Barnett

The Enlightenment and religion 5 Italy: Roman ‘tyranny’ and radical Catholic opposition This final case study provides another different context of the Enlightenment. The experience of Catholic dissidents in the Italian peninsular provides some similarities with the struggles in France, but the very different politico-religious context of the Italian peninsular means that differences tend to outweigh similarities. Differences aside, the point of this chapter is again to illustrate that broad politico-religious struggle – rather than the actions of the

in The Enlightenment and religion
Justin Champion

world of politics in the form of an explosion of printed materials ranging from the newsletter, the polemical pamphlet, the folio edition and the broadsheet. Public discourse in the period was made of a variety of competing, contested converging languages: popery and priestcraft, liberty and tyranny, virtue and corruption, politeness and barbarity, monarchy and commonwealth, interest and honour. Toland contributed to most, if not all of these forms. Toland’s writings throw deep shafts of light not only into these discursive complexities but also into the under

in Republican learning
Just war and against tyranny
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

The just war doctrine The original just war doctrine was not concerned with intervening in other states for humanitarian reasons, but with providing just reasons for resorting to an inter-state war. It was only by the sixteenth century, coinciding with the birth of international law, then known as jus gentium or law of nations, under the sway of natural law, that support for those suffering from tyranny and maltreatment was seen as one of the

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
German reception of French subsidies in the Thirty Years’ War
Tryntje Helfferich

: Cambridge University Press, 2012), pp. 161–163. ‘Unter den Schutz Frankreichs’ 45 from the Dutch and English; but by far the greatest subsidy amounts were distributed by the French.2 In this chapter I discuss the German understanding of these French moneys and what this can teach us about the war. I argue that subsidies were primarily seen and described as functional, as a means by which the German princes could levy troops, manage their supply and maintenance, and employ them in the fight to preserve princely liberties from what they saw as Habsburg tyranny. Yet

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

their individuality, that is, in their empirical life, work and relationships. In defending Jewish emancipation against the restoration of the Jewish question, Marx re-affirmed the subjective right of Jews to be citizens, to be Jews, and to deal creatively, singularly, in their own way, with their Jewish origins. Real humanism is a revolt against the tyranny of provenance. The humanist Marx we are endeavouring to uncover is doubtless not the only Marx we could

in Antisemitism and the left
The myths of modernity
Author: S.J. Barnett

This book offers a critical survey of religious change and its causes in eighteenth-century Europe, and constitutes a challenge to the accepted views in traditional Enlightenment studies. Focusing on Enlightenment Italy, France and England, it illustrates how the canonical view of eighteenth-century religious change has in reality been constructed upon scant evidence and assumption, in particular the idea that the thought of the enlightened led to modernity. For, despite a lack of evidence, one of the fundamental assumptions of Enlightenment studies has been the assertion that there was a vibrant Deist movement which formed the “intellectual solvent” of the eighteenth century. The central claim of this book is that the immense ideological appeal of the traditional birth-of-modernity myth has meant that the actual lack of Deists has been glossed over, and a quite misleading historical view has become entrenched.

Cameron Ross

autonomous okrugs and 1 autonomous oblast. In such large multinational states, federalism, it is argued, can be a positive or a negative phenomenon. For those who stress the positive side, federalism functions as a form of empowerment for regional groups and protects minorities from the tyranny of the majority. According to Watts, federalism refers to the advocacy of multi-tiered government combining elements of shared rule and regional self-rule. ‘It is based on the presumed values of achieving both unity and diversity by accommodating, preserving and promoting distinct

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia