Open Access (free)
Justin A. Joyce

Justin A. Joyce introduces the eighth volume of James Baldwin Review with a discussion of the US Supreme Court, the misdirected uproar over Critical Race Theory, a survey of canonical dystopian novels, and the symbolism of masking during COVID-19.

James Baldwin Review
Open Access (free)
Julie Evans
,
Patricia Grimshaw
,
David Philips
, and
Shurlee Swain

access to conventional White parliamentary power – with both men and women enfranchised and Maori men able to sit in parliament and government – and Aborigines in Australia probably the least; Indigenous Canadians and South Africans (depending on the province in which they lived) had very limited voting rights, but were a very long way from anything approaching true equality. We should also note that our

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
Open Access (free)
Saving the White voters from being ‘utterly swamped’
Julie Evans
,
Patricia Grimshaw
,
David Philips
, and
Shurlee Swain

This chapter focuses on the voting rights and political outcomes of the intensified appropriation of Indigenous lands by British settler colonists in South Africa from the 1870s to 1910. By the 1870s, important economic and political developments in South Africa prompted Britain to act in consolidating its interests throughout the Southern African region. These developments, which included the ‘mineral revolution’ through the discovery of diamond fields and gold fields, and Lord Carnarvon's federation scheme of 1870, together reshaped the political geography of South Africa within three decades. By the end of the nineteenth century, the separate African polities had almost entirely disappeared under some form of European colonial jurisdiction, and Britain was also directly threatening the independence of the two Boer republics. The chapter summarizes the political developments related to the voting rights of people, including settlers and Indigenous in the British settler colonies of Natal and Cape Colony.

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
David Owen

; the second whether a capacity threshold should be drawn. On the first, it is notable that Bauböck appeals to the age of majority in relation to voting rights but no criteria for the identification of this age are offered. In principle, Bauböck could, I think, endorse the account of “franchise capacity” offered by Lopez-Guerra in which all who are capable of experiencing their exclusion from the franchise as an injustice

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

quite. My thinking about specific boundary questions, such as national voting rights for emigrant citizens or local voting rights for non-citizen immigrants, has certainly evolved in response to empirical observations about how democratic states themselves have expanded their conceptions of the demos. And I sympathize with the call of utopophobes that political theory, in contrast with moral theory, should always be action-guiding and aim for

in Democratic inclusion
David Miller

treated as providing necessary and sufficient conditions for inclusion; it needs to be used in conjunction with other principles, such as the presumptive competence principle just sketched. Nevertheless it carries a good deal of the weight, and in particular, as Bauböck emphasizes in the later stages of his essay, provides the best rationale for giving everyone who is resident in a local community voting rights in that community, regardless of

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship
Rainer Bauböck

boundaries have come up and had to be addressed by courts, legislators or by citizens in the election booth: the massive global trend of extending voting rights to citizens living abroad and a comparatively weaker European and Latin American pattern of letting non-citizen residents vote in local elections; an ongoing standoff between the European Court of Human Rights and the British government about the exclusion of criminal offenders from voting

in Democratic inclusion
Peter J. Spiro

sharply segmented, citizenship advanced equality (if only imperfectly) within a group in which all members merited equality. The equality element does not translate well in a world in which not all citizens merit equality even if their citizenship is authentic. Citizenship has trouble adapting to gradations of sociological membership. Equality may no longer be imperative to citizenship. It might not even be appropriate. Voting rights point to the

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Mark B. Brown

source of legitimacy since the late nineteenth century. With the adoption of universal voting rights, citizens increasingly questioned the notion that majority rule alone could guarantee governmental virtue and competence. A potential remedy appeared in the rise of bureaucratic expertise and the administrative state, which promised a substantive form of legitimacy to complement procedural legitimacy through popular elections. But since at least the 1980s, both elections and expertise have faced widespread public scepticism. Many people do not trust experts to remain

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
Francisco E. González
and
Desmond King

commonly cited as the world’s first liberal democracy (Lipset 1963, 1996; McElroy 1999), in many ways the United States was also a remarkably late democratizer. Not until the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965 (and the related US Supreme Court judgment in 1971) did the United States fully guarantee the basic democratic right to vote to all its citizens and protection of civil rights, that is, the conditions for Robert Dahl’s idea of polyarchy. In practice, until the mid-1960s UNITED STATES 233 the United States presented the

in Democratization through the looking-glass