Jacopo Pili

Ch a pter 3 Appraisals of Britain’s Military Strength and War Propaganda [Britain] is convinced that the life of the British citizen is too precious to be risked in the petty fights among continental countries.1 F or Mussolini, war was the greatest test of nations and ideologies, and it was the pursuit of war and imperial expansion that led Fascist Italy down the path of hostility with Britain.2 However, war itself proved the doom of the Fascist experiment, mainly at the hands of the British Empire. The Italian Fascist representation of Great Britain from a

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Author:

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

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Warfare, politics and religion after the Habsburg Empire in the Julian March, 1930s– 1970s
Gaetano Dato

communities all left their mark in the history of this region; in addition, such categories often overlapped, making any distinction even more complicated. The corpses b ­ elonging to these groups were therefore at the centre of the civil and political religions that emerged in this territory during the twentieth century. Bodies in an advanced state of decomposition were used in war propaganda, and their pictures continued to be exploited from the 1960s onwards. After 1945, corpses became a subject of contention among the groups fighting for control of the territory and

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Jane Brooks

used to salvage sick and injured men for the war effort. Negotiating nursing has identified the problems caused when a system subordinates the female to the male. Post-­war propaganda, which favoured the rights of the returning soldier to paid work, encouraged women to return to the hearth and home. As part of a female-­dominated profession, nurses were not required to give up their jobs to men. However, the ideology that sent women home to care for their husbands and families meant that demobilised married nursing sisters struggled to find meaningful positions in

in Negotiating nursing
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Atkin

) and his anger when H.G. Wells, J.M. Barrie, G.K. Chesterton, playwright Harley Granville Barker, Oxford professor Gilbert Murray and forty-eight others (all those who supposedly possessed ‘the power of seeing what is really going on’) signed the War Propaganda Bureau’s jingoistic Wellington House declaration of September 1914 condemning Prussia’s ‘iron’ military bureaucracy and contrasting it with the lawful ideals of the Allies.16 Also, though Russell identified the emotions of primitive destructiveness inherent in war, Shaw, with his ‘sophisticated reason’ and

in A war of individuals
The Marshall Plan films about Greece
Katerina Loukopoulou

. 55 A. Kazamias , ‘ Antiquity as Cold War Propaganda: The Political Uses of the Classical Past in Post-Civil War Greece ’, in D. Tziovas (ed.), Re-imagining the Past: Antiquity and Modern Greek Culture ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 2014 ), p. 128 . 56 Logan, Humphrey Jennings , p. 338

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
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In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Christine E. Hallett

register for Britain (in 1919).49 Their nursing work, and the experience it offered them, enabled women to take their places among the finest writers of the war – to become part of the literary canon of the twentieth century. It was one of the levers with which they thrust open the doors to civic and political participation, bringing them to prominence and giving them a place and a voice. The truth about the war To capture both the essence and the full reality of what they witnessed was the primary project of most nurse writers. Yet, the existence of both pro-war

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Neil Macmaster

rushed to buy-up every new and second-hand radio they could lay their hands on and Algerians apprenticed to European radio-electricians began to open their own workshops.54 The French government was confronted with the difficult problem of responding to this threat to its previous tight censorship and control of news media. Historically, the growth of radio war propaganda had confronted modern states with a dilemma: attempts to capture or reach ‘home’ audiences was very much dependent on the mass ownership or availability of radio sets, but such a proliferation might

in Burning the veil
Jacopo Pili

empire; the installation in 1939 of a German protectorate in the western part of the former Czechoslovakia was modelled on Britain’s domination of its Indian subjects. It was only after the beginning of the Second World War that the atrocities of the British Empire started to be used as propaganda, and with little success.13 What picture can be drawn of the Italian Fascist perception of Britain as an international player? Before the Second World War propaganda depicting Britain in a negative light (see chapter 3), Fascism coexisted with the British Empire for many

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy