A Military Tactic or Collateral Damage?
Abdulkarim Ekzayez and Ammar Sabouni

international warfare norms ( WHO, 2018 ; ICRC, 2017 ). Moreover, some researchers consider Syria to be the most dangerous place on earth for medical workers in what has been termed to be a ‘weaponisation of health care’ ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). In 2011, violence against healthcare was taking forms of attacks on health personnel, such as kidnapping, torture and detention, and blocking access to healthcare through deprivation of medical supplies and detention of patients seeking healthcare. Health personnel subjected to this violence were mostly those who were involved in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Sean Healy and Victoria Russell

political propaganda, conspiracy theories, disinformation campaigns and hybrid warfare. This case of the MV Aquarius highlights the increasingly dangerous environment that humanitarians are now operating in in the early twenty-first century: meaning not the Mediterranean, but the emerging information space. If humanitarian organisations do not ready themselves for this space, they will find themselves in a world turned upside-down, in which their principles have no meaning

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector
Miriam Bradley

. London : Hurst . Niland , N. ( 2014 ), ‘ Sri Lanka: Unrestricted Warfare and Limited Humanitarian Action ’, International Development Policy . doi: 10.4000/poldev.1680 . Norwegian Refugee Council ( 2016 ), NRC Considerations for Planning Mass Evacuations of Civilians in Conflict Settings

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

( Vienna : Commissioner of the Austrian Pavillon ). Duffield , M. ( 2015 ), ‘ The Digital Development–Security Nexus: Linking Cyber-Humanitarianism and Drone Warfare ’ in Jackson , P. (ed.), Handbook of International Security and Development ( Cheltenham : Edward

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

This book re-examines the campaign experience of British soldiers in Africa during the period 1874–1902—the zenith of the Victorian imperial expansion—and does so from the perspective of the regimental soldier. The book utilises a number of letters and diaries, written by regimental officers and other ranks, to allow soldiers to speak for themselves about their experience of colonial warfare. The sources demonstrate the adaptability of the British army in fighting in different climates, over demanding terrain and against a diverse array of enemies. They also uncover soldiers' responses to army reforms of the era as well as the response to the introduction of new technologies of war.

Open Access (free)
Raiding war and globalization in the early modern world
Brian Sandberg

-gatherers practiced and the ‘true war’ that ‘civilized’ states and societies waged. A ‘military horizon’, Turney-High theorized, separated the ‘primitive’ raiding from the ‘true’ military strategy and tactics that ‘civilized’ armies utilized. The political scientist Quincy Wright, also writing during the 1940s, developed a parallel analysis of ‘primitive war’ as a stage in the historical evolution of warfare. In his classic work, A Study of War, Wright presents ‘primitive war’ as governed by cultural mores and distinguishes it from ‘civilized war’, which he claimed operates based

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
Christine E. Hallett

writings of those who nursed the wounded during the First World War were influenced by the cultural tropes and accepted beliefs of their time. But some writers deliberately questioned those tropes and beliefs. This book explores, not only the ways in which nurse writers chose to project themselves as nurses, but also the meanings they gave to their experiences. In caring for those damaged by the First World War, nurses were the most immediate witnesses to the consequences of industrial warfare. Standing between the front lines and the ‘home front’, and dealing daily with

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Vũ Đức Liêm

regional  families clashed with the state’s agenda of turning  villages into administrative institutions by maintaining a good ratio of communal to private land to support taxation, corvée labour, and military conscription. Such balance was the foundation of state stability and social security.19 The growing concentration of rural land in the hands of local elites broke the state– village balance, triggering a decline in the central authority based in Hanoi, and prompting incessant warfare between 1527 and 1802. The coincidence of division in the political centre and

in A global history of early modern violence
The expansion and significance of violence in early modern
Richard Reid

corroboration. Finally, what are we dealing with in thinking about ‘violence’? In many ways, the most visible indication of levels of violence is warfare, and the practice of war forms a central plank of our discussion here. But this cannot be about warfare alone, and in any case it could be argued that war is not necessarily indicative of levels of violence more generally. However, it is argued here that military transformations and increases in the scale and intensity of armed conflict are paralleled – indeed, made possible – by a growth in the ability of ruling elites to

in A global history of early modern violence