Iver B. Neumann

legitimising speech act inside the discourse of the international law, but it spectacularly fails to legitimise the violence which follows its invocation. Serbia’s attempts to legitimise its stance as a warring state defending the idea of state sovereignty was represented as an anachronism. Indeed, in Kosovo, the end of the legitimate warring state was at stake. Where is the political entity that may

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.

Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

scale of human suffering remains prodigious and that for as much good as they do, humanitarians frequently do little in terms of a net reduction in suffering and misery (think Haiti, Syria, Somalia, DRC, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, South Sudan). Much suffering – private violence, civil and gang wars, state predation, poverty, insecurity – is untouched by humanitarian intervention of any kind, yet this is everyday reality for billions of people. One function of the entire humanitarian enterprise might be to obscure root causes and allow those who, en

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Jonathan Atkin

conflict. Now it is perhaps appropriate that some attention is drawn to contemporary newspapers and periodicals – journalistic reactions fully exposed to public scrutiny and in contrast to the enclosed world of intimate diaries and letters. In summing up one of the main themes of humanistic and aesthetic opposition to the Great War – the friction that existed between the structure of the war-state with its resultant ‘herd instinct’ and notions of the sacredness of the individual – there is perhaps no more apposite personal example than that of Gilbert Cannan, an

in A war of individuals
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

-introducing the Catholic tradition of a ‘just war’. Neumann’s conclusions are unflattering for Western politicians, as he questions the morality of a no-own-losses war, which yields to the temptation of letting other people die instead. ‘Humanity’ was invoked in Kosovo as a political notion, a legal concept and, ultimately, as a speech act legitimising war and thereby replacing the legitimate warring state – but it has

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Peter H. Wilson

–215, esp. p. 180. 5 John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money, and the English State 1688–1783 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989). The subsequent debate has spawned an extensive literature, of which the following offer good introductions: The British Fiscal Military States 1660–c.1783, ed. by Aaron Graham and Patrick Walsh (Farnham: Ashgate, 2016); War, State and Development: Fiscal-Military States in the Eighteenth Century, ed. by Rafael Torres Sánchez (Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 2007); The Fiscal-Military State in Eighteenth-century Europe, ed. by

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

-Prussian Relations’. 29 Peter H. Wilson, War, State and Society in Württemberg, 1677–1793 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Charles W. Ingrao, The Hessian Mercenary State: Ideas, Institutions, and Reform under Frederick II 1760–1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 30 Frederic Groß, ‘Einzigartig? – Der Subsidienvertrag von 1786 über die Aufstellung des “Kapregiments” zwischen Herzog Karl Eugen von Württemberg und der Niederländischen Ostindienkompanie’, in Militärische Migration vom Altertum bis zur Gegenwart (Studien zur Historischen

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Atkin

of the front came to comprehend an altered moral climate, such as Colonel Hanbury-Sparrow’s claim that Passchendalele shattered the force of any moral argument for war. Some men, such as E.P. Southall at his court martial, declared an exemption from the war on specifically moral grounds and, as in Southall’s case, displayed a recognition that the strictures of the war-state could only ‘crush moral liberty’. The ‘coarseness and cruelty of mind’ and resultant mental degradation that war correspondent Philip Gibbs identified could be said to be similar to the metaphor

in A war of individuals
Svante Norrhem

Frühen Neuzeit, ed. by Peter Rauscher, Andrea Serles, and Thomas Winkelbauer (Munich: Historische Zeitschrift, Beiheft, vol. 56, 2012), 87–126 (p. 124); Peter H. Wilson, War, State and Society in Württemberg, 1677–1793 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 85–86. 9 Peter Lindström and Svante Norrhem, Flattering Alliances: Scandinavia, Diplomacy and the Austrian-French Balance of Power, 1648–1740 (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2013), pp. 68–74; Peter H. Wilson, German Armies: War and German Politics 1648–1806 (London: UCL Press, 1998), pp. 47–49, 176. 96

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Sweden and the lesser powers in the long eighteenth century
Erik Bodensten

process. 1 Peter H. Wilson, War, State and Society in Württemberg, 1677–1793 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 77. 2 See, for instance, Peter Claus Hartmann, Geld als Instrument europäischer Machtpolitik im Zeitalter des Merkantilismus (Munich: Kommission für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, 1978); Alois Schmid, Max III: Joseph und die europäischen Mächte: Die Außenpolitik des Kurfürstentums Bayern von 1745–1765 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1987); Charles W. Ingrao, The Hessian Mercenary State: Ideas, Institutions, and Reform under Frederick II, 1760

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789