This book provides a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the five main parties of the extreme right in the Netherlands (Centrumdemocraten, Centrumpartij), Belgium (Vlaams Blok), and Germany (Die Republikaner, Deutsche Volksunion). Using primary research — including internal party documents — it concludes that rather than right-wing and extremist, the core ideology of these parties is xenophobic nationalist, including also a mix of law and order and welfare chauvinism. The author's research and conclusions have broader implications for the study of the extreme-right phenomenon and party ideology in general.
this might be the result of the
fact that the party considers unification undesirable in the short term, given
that the party believes that the (Northern) Netherlands is currently undergoing a process of left-wing decay.
Summary table of ideological features per partya
Law and order
– as listed primarily in the sections on economy
(III), employment (V), social policy (X) and taxes (XI) – show any coherence, it is in their welfarechauvinism. The rest is an ambiguous mix of
social and liberal policies, ranging from rejection of ‘forced privatisation’
(CD 1989: III.1) and support for raising pension benefits (CD 1989: X.8)
to calling for less (complicated) taxes (CD 1989: XI.1 and 3). The only
substantive adjustments to the generally supported mixed economic
system of the Netherlands (CD 1989: III.1) the CD seems to want is the
first wave, notably the decision by the British government. The reticent
government position on EMU reflects the divisions in the social democratic party and also an overall anti-federalist attitude.
There is a basic anti-federalist sentiment in Sweden, a unitary state, and
in the political parties. In this regard, there is a deep-rooted ‘nation state
logic’ behind Swedish membership of the Union.14 The broad support in
favour of the welfare state and feelings of uniqueness, some say ‘welfarechauvinism’, imply that the instincts of most Swedes are that they
1990s the paper’s socio-eco-
A third factor could have been the many demographic studies on the REP electorate that
appeared in the early 1990s and indicated disproportionately large support among the working
class (e.g. Roth 1989, 1990; Veen et al. 1993).
nomic politics became an amalgam of socialist policies and pleas for budget
cuts and state subsidies, presented in a neo-liberal style.
The Leitmotiv of the socio-economic policy has become welfarechauvinism: German money should be used for German interests and