An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

citizen movements that have been at the forefront of the emergency response. Similarly inspired by cosmopolitan ideals, these groups tend to use more political language than conventional NGOs, presenting their relief activities as a form of direct resistance to nationalist politics and xenophobia. As liberal humanitarianism is challenged in its European heartland, they are developing – through practice – a new model of humanitarian engagement. SOS MEDITERRANEE is an ad hoc citizen initiative founded in 2015 to prevent the death of people crossing the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

been a mistake. No one who spends time discussing the migration crisis with European aid workers could leave such an encounter in any doubt about where they stand on the EU: they accept more or less everyone who wants to come, though some do so arguing that there is no migration crisis but rather a xenophobia crisis. Since nobody can predict with any confidence what the numbers of migrants are likely to be, this seems like an argument that plays into the hands of the xenophobes, and as such strategically unwise. But the more important point is that

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

story was shared more than 300,000 times ( Dzieza, 2014 ) and may have contributed to the wider landscape of panic and xenophobia surrounding the epidemic. Online disinformation has also exacerbated conflict. In South Sudan, the UN reports that social media ‘has been used by partisans on all sides, including some senior government officials, to exaggerate incidents, spread falsehoods and veiled threats, or post outright messages of incitement’ ( UN Security Council, 2016 : 10). In one instance, a false news story, published on the website

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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The politics of immigration controversies

In July 2013, the UK government arranged for a van to drive through parts of London carrying the message ‘In the UK illegally? GO HOME or face arrest.’ The vans were short-lived, but they were part of an ongoing trend in government-sponsored communication designed to demonstrate control and toughness around immigration. This book explores the effects of such performances of toughness: on policy, on public debate, on pro-migrant and anti-racist activism, and on the everyday lives of people in Britain. This book both presents research findings, and provides insights into the practice of conducting research on such a charged and sensitive topic.

Blending original research, theoretical analysis, and methodological reflections, the book addresses questions such as:

  • Who gets to decide who ‘belongs’?
  • How do anti-migrant sentiments relate to changing forms of racism?
  • Are new divisions, and new solidarities, emerging in the light of current immigration politics?


Written in a clear and engaging style, the book sets an agenda for a model of collaborative research between researchers, activists, and people on the ground.

South Africa in the post-imperial metropole

and consumption of postcolonial literatures allow the English to reinvent their empire. The country is recentred as a sovereign international power; its capital is both cultural and financial. If the dominant features of Englishness, according to Paul Gilroy, are its xenophobia and paranoia, for Huggan it is corrosive paternalism that best describes this national disposition. Looking at its cultural relations with its former colonies, Huggan uncovers the ways that metropolitan Britain arrogates authority over them. Huggan tends however to rely on India to illustrate

in Postcolonial contraventions
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this might be the result of the fact that the party considers unification undesirable in the short term, given that the party believes that the (Northern) Netherlands is currently undergoing a process of left-wing decay. Table 7.1 Summary table of ideological features per partya Feature Nationalism Internal homogenisation External exclusiveness Ethnic nationalism State nationalism Exclusionism Ethnopluralism Anti-Semitism Xenophobia Strong state Law and order Militarism Welfare chauvinism Traditional ethics Revisionism REP DVU VB CD CP’86 C C i i C C i i C

in The ideology of the extreme right

of national victimhood, prominent public roles for religious organisations, constriction of women's public participation, demographic panics about ethnic majorities, and weakened reproductive rights – after state socialism collapsed (Verdery 1994 : 250). Racism and xenophobia against Roma, Jews, other minorities and historic ethnic Others, plus undocumented migrants crossing into the EU, were another dimension of postsocialist ‘nation-building’ (Bošković 2006 : 560), creating what the Slovenian sociologist Tonči Kuzmanić ( 2002 : 21) termed a ‘new … post

in Race and the Yugoslav region

other (sometimes more) important features of their ideologies (see Mitra 1988; Mudde 1999). Most of the authors involved define right-wing extremism as a political ideology that is constituted of a combination of several different features (see Mudde 1995). The number of features mentioned in the various definitions varies from one or two to more than ten. Examples of short definitions are from Macridis, who defines right-wing extremism as an ‘ideology [that] revolves around the same old staples: racism, xenophobia, and nationalism’ (1989: 231), and Backes and Jesse

in The ideology of the extreme right
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live outside of the German state. So even though the REP adheres foremost to an ethnic nationalist ideology, it is neither elaborated nor applied rigidly. Exclusionism As the REP is almost exclusively centred on Germany and the German ethnic community, a feature like ethnopluralism is seldom openly present in the party literature. One of the few instances is a pseudo-scientific discussion on the naturalness of xenophobia and ethnopluralism, which referred to work of prominent representatives of the (inter)national new right, such as Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeld (a former

in The ideology of the extreme right
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’, state violence and deportation. Yet Emejulu also distinguished between ‘previously “invisible” and privileged white EU migrants’, primary addressees of her critique, and ‘ “white” migrants from Eastern Europe who have been and continue to be subject to instutitionalised xenophobia as their labour value is exploited’ (Emejulu 2016 ). Their structural position did not erase or make irrelevant their race, but was not purely determined by skin colour. Such contingencies emerge through studies of and theory from the Yugoslav region and wider state socialist

in Race and the Yugoslav region