Iain Lindsey, Tess Kay, Ruth Jeanes, and Davies Banda
4 Youngpeople in Zambia: their lives and social
This chapter marks a transition into the
second half of the book, as we move from consideration of the establishment and
organization of SfD to begin to focus on the people and communities with which
SfD aims to work. Across the next three chapters the book aims to provide a
detailed, empirically informed account of local Zambian contexts in which SfD
Children and youngpeople are not just smaller adults. Their bodies and minds, and associated health and care needs, are different and distinct, requiring a dedicated, expert and age-sensitive approach. The English health and care system is not fully adapted to this reality. Though the role of paediatricians is generally prized and at its best ensures a personalised, age-appropriate, child-centred and holistic approach to secondary medical care, overall quality is variable. In the UK, health visitors focus on
University of London (QMUL). The project started out as a collaboration between the authors of this chapter, Maggie Inchley, a senior lecturer in drama at QMUL, and Sylvan Baker, then an associate director at arts and social justice organisation People’s Palace Projects (PPP) and now a lecturer at the Royal Central School of Speech and Drama. Behind its inception was a desire to find ways of using artistic and pedagogical practice that would shed light on how youngpeople perceived the experience of entering and being in social service-based care in the UK. Our preliminary
Drawing on nearly a decade of wide-ranging, multidisciplinary research undertaken with young people and adults living and working in urban communities in Zambia, this jointly-authored book extends existing understandings of the use of sport to contribute to global development agendas has burgeoned over the last two decades. The book’s locally-centred and contextualized analysis represents an important departure from both the internationalist and evaluation-orientated research that has predominated in global sport for development. Offering wide-ranging historical, political, economic and social contextualization, it examines how a key period in the expansion of the sport for development sector unfolded in Zambia; considers the significance of varying degrees of integration and partnership practices between sport for development and development agencies at different levels; and outlines approaches to the provision of sport for development activities in various communities. Detailed examination of the lives, experiences and responses of young people involved in these activities, drawn from their own accounts, is a key feature of the book. Concluding reflections identify possibilities for enhancing understanding and improving research and evidence through methodologies which ‘localise global sport for development’. The book’s unique approach and content will be highly relevant to academic researchers and students studying sport and development across many different contexts.
, motivated by a wish to secure the support of voters for their division, fearful as they constantly were of losing government funding for development aid ( Brushett, 2019 ; Cogan, 2019 : 207–11).
At its inception, the school program contained the ambitions of CIDA leaders to educate the domestic public to global inequalities and encourage them to work towards solutions: ‘The purpose of the program is to inform youngpeople. To get them thinking, to train them to analyze situations. To encourage them to seek innovative solutions to global problems and to help them become
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE
, that take most time.
JF: How has SOS positioned itself politically in relation to European governments
and institutions that have sought to prevent people crossing the Mediterranean to Europe?
CAS: What I thought was interesting about SOS when I joined was how it provided an
opportunity for people, particularly youngpeople, to engage politically on issues of migration
but outside of political parties. We have had a lot of people aged 20–35, who have been
willing to get involved because they don’t identify with political parties on this topic
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
registered on follow-up contact lists, refused to support safe burials and
banned intervention teams from entering villages.
Kolobengou village, part of Tékoulo sub-prefecture, was one place where
cases of Ebola were identified. Village youths destroyed the bridge leading to
the village to prevent the passage of humanitarian vehicles suspected of
spreading disease. Chiefs were sent away when they visited family compounds.
Youngpeople who spontaneously
many cases destroyed by Russian and Syrian government bombardment, MSF was
at a loss as to how to respond, despite its brilliance in publicity.
An exception to this general rule about political engagement is Palestine, above all for
Western European relief workers. But for so many youngpeople in the EU, Palestine is the great
international cause of their time, and as such, paradoxically, it also becomes a domestic issue
Four Conversations with Canadian Communications Officers
scholarly reflections on development communications ( Clost, 2014 ; SAIH, 2021 ), which she uses in the ‘training of volunteers away from perpetuating stereotypes about “white saviorism”’. At MCoS, Rhonda Rosenberg borrowed ideas of ‘media literacy’ elaborated by the Association for Media Literacy. She encountered their ‘key concepts’ when encouraging youngpeople involved in MCoS anti-racist workshops to enter the annual video competition of the National Film Board of Canada ( National Film Board, 2009 : 21–2). The very work of ‘myth busting’ of humanitarian images, she
victims, and after that I may meet some combatants and ask
them to explain why they go after civilians.’ It didn’t take long to
realise that some eastern Congolese were both . That was especially
true of the groups I had chosen to study more specifically: the Mai-Mai. 10 Youngpeople from Uvira or
Baraka (South Kivu) explained to me that they were students by day, but at night
would go out and do rounds to ‘secure their neighbourhood’. Were they
‘civilians’ or ‘combatants