From the Global to the Local

multiscalar ‘mutual self-reliance’ or ‘collective self-sufficiency’ – this is to say that UNRWA employees have not only aimed to achieve a degree of ‘self-reliance’ on an individual and family level (as per UNHCR’s definition above) but have also acted as peer providers of assistance and services for communities across the region ( Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2011 , 2015 ). At a time when ‘self-reliance’ and job creation are being extensively promoted as the key, apolitical and status-quo-maintaining solutions to refugee situations in settings that include

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

looming environmental disasters. Domestically, the liberal social contract is coming apart in many Western states as the coalition of those who have not benefited from the decades of wealth accumulation after 1979 turns to populist politicians and looks for scapegoats, with experts, immigrants and Muslims seen as prime targets. The commitment to liberal institutions that create limits to the scope of political competition – rights, the rule of law, freedom of the press – and to the basic level of respect due to all persons, be they citizens or refugees

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

reaffirm its calling, after a century of existence during which the national Red Cross societies had acted as political intermediaries for the states, whose auxiliaries they were – and still are – by statute. Simply repeating an assertion doesn’t make it a reality, however, and denying a contradiction doesn’t make it disappear; auxiliaries of the state serve the powers that be. The French Red Cross, for example, acted as a potent echo chamber for nationalism and its propaganda during the First World War ( Hutchinson, 1996 ), obediently carried out the orders of the Vichy

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Critical reflections on the Celtic Tiger

Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.

Racism, immigration and the state

consequence of the labour market dynamism of the Celtic Tiger; a narrative of ethnic and national identity inherited from the process of state formation before and after independence; within the field of international relations, a commitment to constitutional liberalism and the rule of law – this expresses itself in support for the United Nations and the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Migration in Ireland The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act (which was not fully passed until

in The end of Irish history?
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Refugees

Treasury for assistance. Interestingly, the CEAF was also subject to WVS criticism, although the nature of the complaints were very different to those of the FGB. ‘General impression was very hole in the corner’, remarked WVS visitors of the CEAF headquarters, ‘Not calculated to give any one confidence; though very earnest they don’t appear to have any initiative.’143 2499 Chap2 7/4/03 2:42 pm Page 57 Refugees 57 The competition and sniping among the above agencies eventually forced the government to act. In a memorandum of early August 1940, the Foreign Office

in The forgotten French

J. Van Ginneken , Understanding Global News: A Critical Introduction ( London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi : Sage , 1996 ). 30 Philp, ‘Children are Groomed for War in Huge Refugee Camp’. 31 MacKinnon, ‘Why Young Syrian Refugees will Haunt

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
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Notes on the art of the contemporary

on the artist. Assimilation can only take place by refusing the work in the name of the artist.8 The capacity for the work to have a transformative quality is stilled not by the work in and of itself but by its reception. Assimilation is necessary in order that the repetition of sameness be 212 Reflections maintained. The new can only be incorporated if such an act is not the occasion where this repetition is interrupted. The threat of the refugee is the potential staging of such an interruption. Once art and criticism are interarticulated, art is able to

in The new aestheticism

imperative to act. It was estimated that about 1,500 Kosovo Albanians had been killed in the Serb offensive in the summer of 1998 and about 300,000 had fled their homes to hide in the surrounding area. Despite negotiations and a partial withdrawal of Serb security forces, the situation continued to deteriorate. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees estimated that on 23 March 1999, when it had to suspend its

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

idealised sense of belonging, community and home (Bammer, 1992 ; Probyn, 1996 ). In this chapter we explore some of these themes and the role of spaces and places in the implementation and reception of, and resistance to, immigration policing campaigns. First, the chapter examines the spaces where the campaigns have intervened, from people's homes, to the street, to cyber space. Building on the argument that such interventions are closely tied to the

in Go home?