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From the Global to the Local

Introduction With the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) having run a deficit almost since the start of its operations in 1950, the US’s decision – as UNRWA’s erstwhile primary funder – to cut its financial support for the Agency is having a significant impact both on UNRWA and over five million Palestinian refugees living across UNRWA’s five areas of operation in the Middle East: Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Gaza and the West Bank. This article explores UNRWA’s responses to this dramatic cut in funding; more specifically

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

major global power – I am of course referring to the US – doesn’t have a project for the world. It is evident that the US has always defended its own interests, but it always imagined or at least presented its interests – I’m not casting a value judgement here – as linked to a project for the world. Following the Second World War, it was the Americans who assumed primary responsibility for the creation of the international system, starting with Roosevelt. Some international institutions were accessible to all states, others, like the GATT [General

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

the news media ‘fabricate stories frequently’ ( Guess et al ., 2018 ). And America is not exceptional. The Reuters Digital News Report 2018, which surveyed more than 70,000 people around the world, found that over half (54 per cent) of respondents were concerned about their ability to distinguish real and fake information on the internet. Similarly, the 2018 Edelman Trust Barometer, which surveyed more than 30,000 people in 28 countries, found a remarkable 59 per cent support the phrase ‘I am not sure what is true and what is not’ ( Edelman

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

DGSE (the French external-intelligence agency) and senior advisor at Orrick Rambaut Martelet: The Americans and British have learned that using private negotiators simplifies efforts by focusing on coming to an agreement about the ransom payment, which is generally paid by an insurance company. When the negotiator is the State, the hostage-takers know they can get much more than a simple ransom in exchange for releasing the hostage, such as supplies, the release of prisoners, and public statements. In addition, media coverage about a [government] effort shines an

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly restricted ( BOND, 2003 ). At

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

mobilise local authority figures (such as elders, youths and political leaders) to negotiate an agreement that would allow access to the resistant populations in exchange for the provision of financial resources. Seeing an opportunity, the young people from Kolobengou who lived in Gueckedou offered to reach out to their peers in the village to try to resolve the conflict. At the same time, the Council of Elders of Gueckedou proposed to visit the village to raise awareness. Thus, two missions supported by the Minister of Health found themselves on the ground at the same

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

midst of financial stress and host countries concerned about taking in permanent new residents – that the problems they seek to address are temporary’ ( Miliband, 2016 ). 1 Miliband’s solution to this problem was striking in its banality: long-term programming, properly supported (financially and politically) by states and international agencies. Yet in calling for better-informed, long-term decision-making, he nonetheless highlighted the need for a much deeper discussion of the relationship between long-term processes, lessons learnt and the practice of humanitarian

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

conducted more like a group duel. Fought outside of the town by uniformed combatants, it began at dawn and ended that evening when one side was routed – in this case, the Austrians. Far from a model for wars to come, it was the last of its kind, due to the technical advances and political changes of the era. The American Civil War (1861–65), for example, involved weapons of unprecedented power, like the machine gun and the first tanks, and new logistical resources, like trains, as well as guns that could shoot faster and farther. In 1864, in the fight against Confederate

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68

This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

Open Access (free)

legal rules are not the only rules. When Fujimori closed the Peruvian congress by force, his popularity went up. The resulting situation is a complex one. Plebiscitary democracy is not stable democracy. Mass support can produce precisely those increasing returns to power that are most dangerous for democratic stability. What is to stop this from happening in Latin America? LATIN AMERICA 207 Earlier in the 1990s some political scientists expressed the fear that what O’Donnell (1994) referred to as ‘delegative democracy’ (that is, elective dictatorship) might become

in Democratization through the looking-glass