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The Changing Faces of UNRWA

From the Global to the Local

Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

Introduction With the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) having run a deficit almost since the start of its operations in 1950, the US’s decision – as UNRWA’s erstwhile primary funder – to cut its financial support for the Agency is having a significant impact both on UNRWA and over five million Palestinian refugees living across UNRWA’s five areas of operation in the Middle East: Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Gaza and the West Bank. This article explores UNRWA’s responses to this dramatic cut in funding; more

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A World without a Project

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Juliano Fiori

society or the American establishment this can benefit. For large corporations, finance capital and, principally, information technology companies, multilateralism is more useful, is it not? Sure, these companies faced some rules, but they grew most of all during this period of globalisation with increased multilateral cooperation. Things are more chaotic now. It is partly a result of the financial crisis. This affected employment in the US and living standards. In a similar way to Mussolini, who was a more sophisticated person, Trump appealed to

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Mel Bunce

( Hannides, 2015 : 9). Information provision should be prioritised within all humanitarian responses. In addition, international journalism about humanitarian disasters needs financial support. This content is incredibly important but rarely profitable, and so it is neglected by the commercial news market. This means it is vital that citizens, foundations, philanthropists and public-service outlets value and support this work ( Scott et al ., 2018 ). The third priority is media literacy. We need audiences to know how to distinguish sources

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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Mark Duffield

solidarity with its victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly

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A ‘special relationship’?

Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68

Jonathan Colman

This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

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George Philip

legal rules are not the only rules. When Fujimori closed the Peruvian congress by force, his popularity went up. The resulting situation is a complex one. Plebiscitary democracy is not stable democracy. Mass support can produce precisely those increasing returns to power that are most dangerous for democratic stability. What is to stop this from happening in Latin America? LATIN AMERICA 207 Earlier in the 1990s some political scientists expressed the fear that what O’Donnell (1994) referred to as ‘delegative democracy’ (that is, elective dictatorship) might become

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Arantza Gomez Arana

programme for financial and technical cooperation with Asia and Latin America was decided (Ayuso 1996: 5). In many ways it was this move that led to the change in direction of EU policy towards Latin America (Ayuso 1996: 5). It will be demonstrated later in this section that this strategy was later copied by Spain. In 1981 this programme for financial and technical cooperation with Asia and Latin America was renewed. It was the first piece of legislation to be dedicated to 76 The EU’s policy towards Mercosur Box 4.1  The European Parliament’s support for links with

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Post-crisis Asia – economic recovery, September 11, 2001 and the challenges ahead

Shalendra D. Sharma

, owing to growth in telecommunications, wholesale and retail trade, and financial services. Prior to the global economic slowdown (which began ostensibly in the last quarter of 2000, compounded by the uncertainty produced by September 11, 2001), the US economy played an important role in supporting global demand – accounting for more than 50 per cent of the growth of global demand. While this was reflected in record US current-account deficits, these deficits proved to be an important buffer against global recession. Japan, on the other hand, has failed to live up to

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Arantza Gomez Arana

of other EU agreements with third countries or regions. This supports the idea that there was a fundamental lack of clarity in the EU policy towards the region, its sub-regions and countries, arguably originating from a lack of interest in the region, and/or a changing of aims towards Latin America over time. A contrast of what has been achieved and what could have been achieved (given the limitations) aids the discussion of ambition and commitment in order to analyse EU engagement with Mercosur. The outcome of this stage fits into the general argument: the

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Jaewoo Choo

America.26 Arguably, the United States did lack a concrete plan for achieving stability in the region. The administration was initially unable to engage the regional leadership by identifying or creating a common or coincidental set of interests that would facilitate cooperation. Instead, it provided generous amounts of financial support in exchange for their support of American policy preferences.27 The Bush administration’s war on terrorism has not provided the necessary policy coherence that would sustain cooperation over the long term, but instead has substituted a