This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.
enlisted ‘mercenaries’. Wilson always denied striking a deal
with Johnson, but in truth he did accept the link between Britain’s
defence posture and the ease of securing US support for sterling. On 17
June, Wilson initiated his ‘CommonwealthPeaceMission’ to try
to bring peace to Vietnam, essentially on American terms. He believed that
he had Johnson’s firm support, but the President was in fact hostile
towards the scheme, which
-Welch , A. , ‘ Imperial Legacies and
Internationalist Discourses: British Involvement in the United Nations
Freedom from Hunger Campaign, 1960–70 ’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History , 40 : 5 ( 2012 ), pp. 879 – 96 .
Cobbs Hoffman , E. , All You Need is Love: The
Peace Corps and the Spirit of the 1960s ( Cambridge, MA : Harvard
University Press , 1998
First are the relatively small-scale UN fact-finding
and/or peace observation missions. One UN publication clearly
distinguishes between two categories of UN peacekeeping operations:
‘observer missions’ and ‘peacekeeping
forces’. 51 Yet, not all UN-initiated small-scale observer
missions are universally thought to belong to the domain of UN
peacekeeping. The UN Special Committee on the Balkans
Julie Evans, Patricia Grimshaw, David Philips and Shurlee Swain
In 1908 the prominent Australian
magazine Bulletin took as its masthead the phrase
‘Australia for the White Man’. It would prove a brief and
pithy indication of the place that any man or woman of colour, including
Aborigines, the first people of the land, would find in the newly
federated Commonwealth of Australia. From the 1870s to the first decade
of the twentieth
American colonial and missionary nurses in Puerto Rico, 1900–30
Winifred C. Connerton
Enfermera, 20:3 (September 1946), 10–12.
47 ‘Gonzalez, Rosa Angelica’.
48 The commonwealths of Puerto Rico and Guam remain unincorporated territories of the US; Hawaii became the fiftieth state in the Union in 1959.
49 I. R. Tyrrell, Reforming the World: The Creation of America’s Moral Empire
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010).
50 B. Reeves-Ellington, K. K. Sklar and C. A. Shemo, ‘Introduction’, in B. ReevesEllington, K. K. Sklar and C. A. Shemo (eds), Competing Kingdoms: Women,
Mission, Nation, and the American Protestant Empire, 1812–1960 (Durham
, until May Wright
Sewall resigned the ICW presidency and took up the chairmanship.46
Despite these very practical problems, the rhetorical commitment to
‘peace’ and women’s ‘natural’ relationship to it remained. Lady Aberdeen
and Bertha von Suttner spoke again on the question of peace at the 1904
ICW meeting, and May Wright Sewall pointedly referred to her mission to
keep the National Councils actively supporting the peace resolution. The
result of the 1899 resolution, she told the 1904 Universal Peace Congress,
‘was what may be called an educational campaign
… Cyprus … should enjoy full sovereignty and complete
independence without any foreign intervention or
interference’. 43 Equally important, the role prescribed for UNFICYP
did not encompass human rights or humanitarian aid. The efforts of the
UN mission, including both UNFICYP and mediators, were directed towards
attainment of ‘peace and security’, but these concepts were
not explicitly linked to
Macmillan, rev. and enlarged edn, 1975), p. 97.
15 Robin Cook, ‘Mission Statement for the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office’, FCO, London, 12 May 1997.
16 Richard Taylor, Against the Bomb: The British Peace Movement, 1958–
1965 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988), p. 305.
17 Arthur Henderson, Labour’s Way to Peace (London: Methuen, 1935),
18 LPACR, 1914, p. 95.
19 LPACR, 1940, p. 125.
20 LPACR, 1912, p. 91.
21 J. Ramsay MacDonald, Labour and International Relations (Derby:
Derby and District ILP Federation, 1917), p. 5.
The so-called (from the colour of its binding)
‘Red Book’ consisted of one overview paper, six working
papers, and three supplementary papers: see Cambodia: An
Australian Peace Proposal (Canberra: Department of Foreign
Affairs and Trade, Commonwealth of Australia, Working Papers for the
Informal Meeting on Cambodia, Jakarta, 26–28 February 1990