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Loud and proud

Passion and politics in the English Defence League

Hilary Pilkington

‘Loud and proud’: Politics and passion in the English Defence League is a study of grassroots activism in what is widely considered to be a violent Islamophobic and racist organisation.

The book uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at EDL events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL, and themselves, as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ inter alia through the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined group. In contrast activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated by a ‘two-tier’ justice system that privileges the rights of ‘others’. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of ‘being heard’ in a political system governed by a politics of silencing.

Unlike most studies of ‘far right’ movements, this book focuses not on the EDL as an organisation – its origins, ideology, strategic repertoire and effectiveness – but on the individuals who constitute the movement. Its ethnographic approach challenges stereotypes and allows insight into the emotional as well as political dimension of activism. At the same time, the book recognises and discusses the complex political and ethical issues of conducting close-up social research with ‘distasteful’ groups.

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Introduction

Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

Hilary Pilkington

Introduction Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement This book is political – but not by design. It is rendered so by its object of study (the English Defence League) and its context – the rise of a new ‘far right’1 and ‘populist radical right’ across Europe and, more recently, America. It argues that establishing an academic ‘cordon sanitaire’ (Mouffe, 2005: 72), in the form of typological and classificatory approaches that focus solely on the ideological dimensions of such movements and confine them to

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‘To do something for the race’

Harold Moody and the League of Coloured Peoples

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David Killingray

The League of Coloured Peoples, Race Relations and the Schools: a survey of the colour question in some aspects of English education with a number of proposals (London: League of Coloured Peoples, n.d. c.1944). 50 Dr Hastings Banda, future dictator of Malawi, was the secretary of the Liverpool branch. Branches were

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Robert Mackay

international dimensions. Millions of people, seasoned politicians among them, placed their trust in the newly formed League of Nations as their safeguard against the recurrence of the disaster of war. Nowhere was this more so than in Britain, where successive governments maintained the national role of stalwart of the League and where signed-up pacifism became a pervasive part of domestic political discourse. Its reality was manifest not just in the membership numbers of the peace associations and the official line of the Labour Party, but also in the winding-down of the

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Rhiannon Vickers

defence sink into the background of solved problems’.93 In 1919 the Labour Party and TUC held a special congress to discuss the Covenant of the League of Nations. While it welcomed the League, the congress drew up a list of twenty-two proposals for amendments to the Covenant. These included the proposal that the League be under the control of a body of elected delegates, and not the Executive Council; that all countries, including Russia and Germany, be invited to join the League, as long as they agree to abide by its rules and decisions; and that the manufacture of

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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

, steel, coal and engineering in Wales. A few planted bombs, burnt English second homes and defaced English on road signs, but the defence of Welsh national identity was overwhelmingly peaceful and parliamentary. By the end of the twentieth century Welsh was no longer in decline and was officially supported in education, government and the media. New industries had been attracted to Wales by UK regional aid programmes and the EU

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Rhiannon Vickers

international affairs, and certainly Labour’s supporters expected a new, more internationalist, socialist and ethical foreign policy from their government. Second, this period was remarkable in that Labour’s demand for a new world order, based Vic07 10/15/03 160 2:11 PM Page 160 THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE WORLD on a post-war settlement that included international economic planning and the creation of a more powerful version of the League of Nations to provide a collective security superstructure, appeared to have been met. A new international regime was emerging, largely

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Female imperialism at the periphery

Organizing principles, 1900–1919

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Katie Pickles

World War provided the opportunity for the IODE, backed by such ideology, to exert its energies in defence of the Empire. Constructing Anglo-Celts and racial hierarchies The IODE forthrighly articulated belief in a ‘British’ race, and it is important to survey the implications of Britishness in the Canadian context. Kay Anderson’s work on Canadian racial discourse in Vancouver

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The trial of Slobodan Milosevic

A twenty-first century trial?

Dominic McGoldrick

banking he held senior positions in a major oil company and in one of the largest banks in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Having joined the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1959, he held a succession of important party positions, culminating in the presidency of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), an amalgamation 179 Dominic McGoldrick of the League and the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Serbia. In 1989 he was elected President of the Presidency of the then Socialist Republic of Serbia (now the Republic of Serbia). In 1990, he was

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Britishness and Canadian nationalism

Daughters of the Empire, mothers in their own homes, 1929–45

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Katie Pickles

, the British Oversea League and the Navy League. Competition between these groups saw them vying for attention and was beneficial to the SOSBW. Further, due to hierarchies of Empire, the SOSBW displayed a mixture of condescension and wariness towards the IODE. Given the Victoria League’s reticence towards the IODE, it is not surprising that the SOSBW also felt that the IODE needed to be kept in its place