Four Decisive Challenges Confronting Humanitarian Innovation
Gerard Finnigan and Otto Farkas
interventions, or to create radical
programmatic solutions, which, despite their uniqueness, adhere to strict programme
ethical standards. One recent example of such a breakthrough occurred with the
emergency response to the Ebola crisis and the development of a vaccine against the
Zaire ebolavirus and implementation of a vaccination programme.
The vaccine was developed within a fractional time envelope and administered to
27,000 people in the Democratic Republic of Congo
In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.
At the same time, French political parties perform such essential
functions as political mobilisation, the aggregation of interests, organising
political competition, feedback, public management and political recruitment. Our aim in this chapter is to give an overview of the evolution of
the French party system in the first forty-five years of the FifthRepublic,
to examine the principal changes since the 1980s and to identify the
underlying continuities in the party system.
The structure and evolution of the French party system
The history of French parties
aftermath of the
2002 elections. The conclusion will assess both the UMP’s longer-term
prospects, and its more general impact on the French party system.
France’s divided right
For most of the FifthRepublic, three things have divided the French
right: real differences of ideology and policy; opposed organisational
cultures; and the logic of presidential competition. On the other hand,
although the right-wing electorate is far from homogeneous, divisions
among voters had rather little impact on divisions between the parties
– and voter demand was eventually to be
climate characterised by both stagnation
Changes in the party system
Belated industrialisation, the Socialist–Communist split and longstanding
ideological divisions have all been cited as factors delaying the formation
of modern, disciplined party machines in France. Long into the twentieth
century, the political system incubated numerous parties, most of them
Beyond the mainstream: la gauche de la gauche
with weak structures and limited militant bases. Under the FifthRepublic,
revision of the electoral system forced parties to combine in
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
collapse into anarchy and ethnic turmoil. Moreover,
Putin was able to win over key oligarchs to his view that the only way to
bolster Russia’s flagging economy was to reduce the anarchic powers of
the governors, and to strengthen, ‘the power-vertical’. As Putin stated in
his message to the Federal Assembly: ‘It’s a scandalous thing when a fifth
of the legal acts adopted in the regions contradict the country’s Basic Law,
when republic constitutions and province charters are at odds with the
Russian Constitution, and when trade barriers, or even worse, border
(the Joint Programme for Government between the PS, PCF and left radicals)
for the 1978 elections. Bérégovoy was campaign manager for
Mitterrand in the Socialist presidential election victory of 1981, and again
in 1988. Under Mitterrand, he was appointed Secretary-General of the
President’s Office, the first in the FifthRepublic not to have been a
senior civil servant. As Minister of Social Affairs and National
Socialist) forms government.
5 November 1957 Gaillard
(Radical Socialist) forms government.
14 May 1958 Pflimlin
(Popular Republican Movement) forms government.
The transition to the FifthRepublic and the Algerian issue
2 and 20 March 1956 France
recognises independence of Morocco and Tunisia.
13 May 1958 Creation of