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Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

protection’ and ‘staff security’ – and each designates a distinct set of policies and practices. Starting from the perspective that the reasons for such a distinction are not self-evident, the current article seeks to draw attention to the differences between staff-security and civilian-protection strategies, and to stimulate a conversation about the extent to which the differences are justified. The aim is not to argue for or against particular strategies for the safety of aid workers or the wider civilian population, or even to argue that the distinction between these

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

consolidating their power. There is no neutrality without prior agreement on some kind of liberal space, however slim – Brian Barry’s point earlier. Powerful states and their agencies make trade, aid, investment, security support, diplomatic access, travel and much more besides dependent on whether or not allies and neutrals comply with their foreign-policy interests ( Hafner-Burton, 2013 ). In the case of the West, humanitarian action and human rights demands have been features of these foreign-policy demands. In the case of China, neither has been

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

war while explicitly denying them political recognition. In contrast, civilians caught up in international conflicts subject to the Geneva Conventions were ignored until 1949. While the codification of armed conflict, whether international or domestic, was inspired by a desire to limit the violence, it gave the generals – not surprisingly – the final say in assessing ‘military necessity’, a key concept naturally covered by humanitarian law. A few years later, the German command used the Geneva Convention to justify their violence in putting down francs-tireurs in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.

Open Access (free)
The past as prologue

Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 1 Introduction: the past as prologue This book is inspired by the often puzzling array of continuities and changes that has characterised German security policy since unification in 1990. Change has been manifest most profoundly in the lifting of the legal and political barriers which had formerly curtailed the use of the West German armed forces, a transformation which arguably reached its zenith in Germany’s military contribution to the war in Kosovo in 1999. Since then, German perspectives

in Germany and the use of force
From Afghanistan to Iraq

Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 77 4 The momentum of change. Germany and the use of force II: from Afghanistan to Iraq Germany’s engagement in Kosovo in a combat capacity appeared to have shifted the parameters of German security policy and perspectives on the use of force, apparently to ‘solidify the new consensus’ over foreign and security policy.1 Indeed, Kosovo did seem to confirm that the trajectory of change already apparent in the 1990s was leading to a normalising of Germany’s relationship with the use of force

in Germany and the use of force
Adjusting to life after the Cold War

ending of the Cold War gave rise to a range of pulls and pressures both from within and from outside of Germany to respond to the changes in the European security environment and to rethink the existing tenets of West Germany’s security policies. The statements quoted above from Josef Joffe and Wolfgang Schlör capture the fundamental quandaries that confronted German thinking about the use of force and the role of the armed forces in the wake of the events of 1989–90. At stake at this time was how the new Germany’s perspectives on the use of military force could be re

in Germany and the use of force

Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30/06/2004 The endurance of conscription 16:25 Page 119 119 Bundeswehr would become irretrievably undemocratic and that undesirable changes to the form and substance of Germany’s foreign and security policy would follow. The potency of this conviction is apparent in the discourse surrounding Bundeswehr staffing structures and, more specifically, in the justifications levied in support of conscription throughout the 1990s. This significance of conscription in Germany after 1989 has been noted by a number of commentators who have

in Germany and the use of force
A political–cultural approach

preference and position roles discussed above, the role conception of ‘independent’ belongs in the former category; ‘partner’ in the latter; and ‘leader’ somewhere in between the two. A comparison between British, French and German foreign policies indicates that policy-makers in these three countries see themselves as members of a collective security community. Few, if any, politicians are directly hostile

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
The European Union and its member states

This book takes up traditional approaches to political science. It aims to offer a mixture of conventional and specific analyses and insights for different groups of readers. In view of the European Union's multi-level and multi-actor polity, the book highlights the complex procedural and institutional set-up of nation states preparing and implementing decisions made by the institutions of the European Community (EC). In looking at the emerging and evolving realities of the European polity, it shows how European institutions and Member States (re-)act and interact in a new institutional and procedural set-up. It explores how governmental and non-governmental actors in different national settings adapt to common challenges, constraints and opportunities for which they are mainly themselves responsible. The book discusses the Belgian policy toward European integration as a significant demonstration of its commitment to multilateralism and international co-operation in security and economic affairs. Attitudes to European integration in Denmark, Germany, Finland, Greece, and Spain are discussed. Tendencies towards 'Europeanisation' and 'sectoralisation' of the ministerial administration during the process of European integration and the typical administrative pluralism of the Italian political system seem to have mutually reinforced each other. Strong multi-level players are able to increase their access and influence at both levels and to use their position on one level for strengthening their say on the other. German and Belgian regions might develop into these kinds of actors. A persistent trend during the 1990s is traced towards stronger national performers, particularly in terms of adaptations and reactions to Maastricht Treaty.