the past decade, as they have been at least partially displaced by so-called socially responsible corporations and ‘philanthrocapitalism’ à la Bill and Melinda Gates, which increasingly are presented (and, of course, present themselves) as indispensable to any successful effort to combat poverty, hunger and disease in the poor world. 2 Even so, the moral warrant that NGOs provide for the great Western powers is still viewed in Washington, Brussels and elsewhere as being of value. A US Secretary of State might not, today, go as far as Colin Powell

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage ( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Introduction Rio de Janeiro, 20 August 2018 Outside, resentment festered in the deep tracks of modernity’s march. Inside, Celso Amorim sat back on his sofa, coddling a copy of E. V. Rieu’s English translation of The Iliad . ‘Sometimes I seek asylum in classical antiquity.’ There are surely more tranquil sites of refuge than Homer’s Troy. But it is perhaps fitting that Amorim should find comfort in a foundational tale of great power struggle. He has worked in foreign service for most of the last fifty years. He is the most decorated living

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

the Middle East and the ongoing dispossessions resulting from the expanding mega-corridors themselves. For the World Bank, the crisis of urban renewal negatively impacts precariat bandwidth. Having to daily exert a great deal of mental energy just to access such basic necessities as food and clean water means the precariat ‘are left with less energy for careful deliberation than those, simply by virtue of living in an area with good infrastructure and good institutions’ ( ibid .: 13). Thus, the absence of a universal fixed grid ‘like piped

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Light therapy and visual culture in Britain, c. 1890–1940

Soaking up the rays forges a new path for exploring Britain’s fickle love of the light by investigating the beginnings of light therapy in the country from c.1890-1940. Despite rapidly becoming a leading treatment for tuberculosis, rickets and other infections and skin diseases, light therapy was a contentious medical practice. Bodily exposure to light, whether for therapeutic or aesthetic ends, persists as a contested subject to this day: recommended to counter psoriasis and other skin conditions as well as Seasonal Affective Disorder (SAD) and depression; closely linked to notions of beauty, happiness and well-being, fuelling tourism to sunny locales abroad and the tanning industry at home; and yet with repeated health warnings that it is a dangerous carcinogen. By analysing archival photographs, illustrated medical texts, advertisements, lamps, and goggles and their visual representation of how light acted upon the body, Woloshyn assesses their complicated contribution to the founding of light therapy. Soaking up the rays will appeal to those intrigued by medicine’s visual culture, especially academics and students of the histories of art and visual culture, material cultures, medicine, science and technology, and popular culture.

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Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice

maternal devotion over the greater British family spread around the globe’. 12 The tours were, of course, a component of a broader, if often piecemeal and unsustained, cultural and ideological project that was designed to inspire obedience and loyalty among colonial subjects through the imagery of the Great (White) Queen – a brand of imperial propaganda. This conception of the Queen (and King) as a

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911

independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.’4 In terms of national self-determination, the Labour Party’s 1918 general election manifesto said that Labour would ‘extend to all subject peoples the right of self-determination within the British Commonwealth of Free Nations’ and called for ‘freedom’ for Ireland and India.5 This was repeated in its 1922 general election manifesto, which also advocated support for the new constitution of the Irish Free State.6 In terms of open covenants, the Labour Party’s perspective was that public opinion would

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1

to set the economy moving on the right lines’. The plan’s key measures were a surcharge on certain imports and various export rebates, despite the fact that these actions contravened the terms of Britain’s membership of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). Wilson ‘thought it right’ to tell Johnson ‘what we propose in advance of any public statement, first, because I set great store by close and continuing co

in A ‘special relationship’?
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The emergence of the British Labour Party

in general was seen as a cause of war, Britain’s export-based economy meant that many workers had an interest in the maintenance of the empire and access to overseas markets. Many also saw Britain as having a civilising mission in the world and, as the world’s greatest democracy, as having a manifest destiny to act as a world leader. The empire was seen as a demonstration of, as well as a means of continuing, British influence in the world. Britain was not just another country, but the leading nation with a great empire. These issues will be dealt with more fully

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1

, used the summit as the starting point of a new, more passive and low-key approach towards the American initiative. Washington would now leave the matter to be addressed primarily by the Europeans. The Washington summit was useful to Johnson mainly because it allowed him to impress upon the British the need for them to retain their traditional ‘great power’ role and also to allow him to bring the MLF to a conclusion. For

in A ‘special relationship’?