Open Access (free)
Burying the victims of Europe’s border in a Tunisian coastal town

The Mediterranean Sea has recently become the deadliest of borders for illegalised travellers. The victims of the European Union’s liquid border are also found near North African shores. The question of how and where to bury these unknown persons has recently come to the fore in Zarzis, a coastal town in south-east Tunisia. Everyone involved in these burials – the coastguards, doctors, Red Crescent volunteers, municipality employees – agree that what they are doing is ‘wrong’. It is neither dignified nor respectful to the dead, as the land used as a cemetery is an old waste dump, and customary attitudes towards the dead are difficult to realise. This article will first trace how this situation developed, despite the psychological discomfort of all those affected. It will then explore how the work of care and dignity emerges within this institutional chain, and what this may tell us about what constitutes the concept of the human.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

Introduction London, 10 September 2018 Since 2015, more than one and a half million people have traversed the Mediterranean, seeking asylum in Europe. The EU has been negotiating their screening and resettlement outside of Europe. European governments have closed some ports and borders to them. And neofascist groups from across Europe have rallied on the ground and online to prevent their entry. Thousands have died at sea. Multinational NGOs like Médecins Sans Frontières and Save the Children have carried out search-and-rescue missions. But it is

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. For here, whether they like it or not, when they rescue people at sea who are trying to get to Europe, relief NGOs are involved not just in caritative work, whose deontology is relatively straightforward ethically; here, they are important actors in a profound political struggle, whose outcome, along with the response or non-response to climate change, is likely to define the next half century. It is a commonplace to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, on the impact on Palestinian refugees of US budget cuts under Donald Trump; José Luis Fiori, on the new security strategy of the US and the disavowal of liberal internationalism; David Rieff, on the legitimacy of humanitarian agencies in a changing political landscape; Mel Bunce, on humanitarian communications and ‘fake news’; Celso Amorim, on transformations in global governance and the influence of Southern states; Caroline Abu Sa’Da, on search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean; and Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa, on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

SouthSudanNation.com, stated that a general was planning to ‘massacre Equatorians’. The story spread through WhatsApp, YouTube and Facebook as well as offline networks, and was used ‘to mobilize others to take up arms to counter the “attack”’ ( Reeves, 2017 ; see also Lynch, 2017 ). Finally, false news has made it more difficult for relief organisations to operate. Organisations working with migrants in the Mediterranean, for example, have been targeted in fake-news attacks ( Magee, 2018 ). Sean Ryan, Director of Media at Save the Children, describes

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From model to symbol

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

Open Access (free)
The management of migration between care and control

Tens of thousands of migrants and refugees stranded in camps in Greece and in Calais, shipwrecks and deaths in the Mediterranean, fences and walls across the Balkans, hotspots along the European Union (EU) southern borders, increasing controls within the Schengen space, military-humanitarian naval operations, the EU–Turkey migrant deal, NGOs and activists denouncing the

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Still unique or just one in the crowd?

EUD4 10/28/03 2:41 PM Page 60 4 The ACP in the European Union’s network of regional relationships: still unique or just one in the crowd? Karen E. Smith This chapter analyses the European Union’s relations with five broad regional groupings: the ACP countries, the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. The Union prefers to deal with third countries collectively. It lays out regional strategies, sets up aid programmes on a regional basis and concludes specific kinds of agreement with countries in a particular region. The EU has important

in EU development cooperation
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism

. There are two reasons. First, the scope of the study is broadened in the Middle East by extending the concept of peace from an Arab–Israeli one to a Mediterranean peace. In this understanding of Euro-Mediterranean peace 17 fundamentalism is viewed as a threat to political stability in the Mediterranean ( Tibi, 2000c ). Second, the direct security threat posed by Hamas or Jihad Islami is pertinent

in Redefining security in the Middle East
From model to symbol?

the Banana Protocol of the Lomé Convention, as an example of the EU’s waning interest in preferential trade facilities. Karen Smith, in chapter 4, provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the ACP, the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. She examines the evolution and content of EU relations with these areas. She argues that the periphery of the European Union has become increasingly important to it. Relations with the traditional developing country partners, such as the ACP, are in the process

in EU development cooperation