The Mediterranean Sea has recently become the deadliest of borders for illegalised travellers. The victims of the European Union’s liquid border are also found near North African shores. The question of how and where to bury these unknown persons has recently come to the fore in Zarzis, a coastal town in south-east Tunisia. Everyone involved in these burials – the coastguards, doctors, Red Crescent volunteers, municipality employees – agree that what they are doing is ‘wrong’. It is neither dignified nor respectful to the dead, as the land used as a cemetery is an old waste dump, and customary attitudes towards the dead are difficult to realise. This article will first trace how this situation developed, despite the psychological discomfort of all those affected. It will then explore how the work of care and dignity emerges within this institutional chain, and what this may tell us about what constitutes the concept of the human.
Burying the victims of Europe’s border in a Tunisian coastal town
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Introduction London, 10 September 2018 Since 2015, more than one and a half million people have traversed the Mediterranean, seeking asylum in Europe. The EU has been negotiating their screening and resettlement outside of Europe. European governments have closed some ports and borders to them. And neofascist groups from across Europe have rallied on the ground and online to prevent their entry. Thousands have died at sea. Multinational NGOs like Médecins Sans Frontières and Save the Children have carried out search
. If humanitarian certainties have been upended, it is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. For here, whether they like it or not, when they rescue people at sea who are trying to get to Europe, relief NGOs are involved not just in caritative work, whose deontology is relatively straightforward ethically; here, they are important actors in a profound political struggle, whose outcome, along with the response or non-response to climate change, is likely to
rescue operations in the Mediterranean; and Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa, on coloniality and liberal humanitarianism. Notes 1 In his State of the Union address of 1941, Roosevelt suggested that all the people of the world should enjoy four fundamental freedoms: freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want and freedom from fear. 2 The Dumbarton Oaks Conference took place in Washington, D.C., from August to October 1944. Delegations from the US, the UK, the Soviet
Mediterranean, for example, have been targeted in fake-news attacks ( Magee, 2018 ). Sean Ryan, Director of Media at Save the Children, describes his organisation’s experience: In the Mediterranean our search and rescue operations have been falsely accused of colluding with traffickers. It started as a report in the Italian media and then Defend Europe, the far-right group, hired their own boat to try and stop what we were doing. Breitbart released a video which purported to prove our collusion with traffickers but showed nothing of the kind
From model to symbol
Edited by: Karin Arts and Anna K. Dickson
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
The management of migration between care and control
Tens of thousands of migrants and refugees stranded in camps in Greece and in Calais, shipwrecks and deaths in the Mediterranean, fences and walls across the Balkans, hotspots along the European Union (EU) southern borders, increasing controls within the Schengen space, military-humanitarian naval operations, the EU–Turkey migrant deal, NGOs and activists denouncing the
Still unique or just one in the crowd?
Karen E. Smith
EUD4 10/28/03 2:41 PM Page 60 4 The ACP in the European Union’s network of regional relationships: still unique or just one in the crowd? Karen E. Smith This chapter analyses the European Union’s relations with five broad regional groupings: the ACP countries, the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. The Union prefers to deal with third countries collectively. It lays out regional strategies, sets up aid programmes on a regional basis and concludes specific kinds of agreement with countries in a particular region. The EU has important
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
. There are two reasons. First, the scope of the study is broadened in the Middle East by extending the concept of peace from an Arab–Israeli one to a Mediterranean peace. In this understanding of Euro-Mediterranean peace 17 fundamentalism is viewed as a threat to political stability in the Mediterranean ( Tibi, 2000c ). Second, the direct security threat posed by Hamas or Jihad Islami is pertinent
From model to symbol?
Karin Arts and Anna K. Dickson
the Banana Protocol of the Lomé Convention, as an example of the EU’s waning interest in preferential trade facilities. Karen Smith, in chapter 4, provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the ACP, the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. She examines the evolution and content of EU relations with these areas. She argues that the periphery of the European Union has become increasingly important to it. Relations with the traditional developing country partners, such as the ACP, are in the process