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A World without a Project

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Juliano Fiori

Brazil to a position of protagonism in multilateral negotiations. He is convinced that the country will fulfil its potential as a major global power that can influence other states with a democratic and egalitarian vision. But he also recognises challenges ahead. A framed photo of Amorim and Lula perched on the top shelf of an eclectic bookcase, both men smiling widely. The following day, Amorim would travel to the southern Brazilian city of Curitiba, where he would visit Lula in prison. And he would receive news of a declaration by the UN

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Juliano Fiori

individual entitlements that transcend national citizenship ( Moyn, 2010 ). In his inaugural address, in January 1977, President Jimmy Carter declared that ‘Our commitment to human rights must be absolute’ (quoted in Moyn, 2014: 69 ). Under the guardianship of the UN, following the UDHR in 1948, the concept of human rights had lacked prescriptive force; only once adopted by the US as an instrument of order and hegemony did it become the basis for a global movement. For many liberal commentators at the turn of the 1990s, the collapse of the Soviet Union

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José Luís Fiori

exercise of its power, through force and the active division and dispersion of its competitors, boycotting every kind of multilateral or regional agreement or bloc, from the European Union to UNASUR, from NAFTA to the BRICS. Can this new American strategy be reversed? It is difficult to tell, but it is important to understand that it didn’t come from nowhere, nor is it the exclusive work of President Trump. The polarisation of American society and the internal divisions within the American establishment will likely increase in the coming years, but it

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The Changing Faces of UNRWA

From the Global to the Local

Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh

specific US-approved ‘reforms’. 3 This ‘catastrophic’ decision ( AFP, 2018 ) was widely denounced around the world as a form of collective punishment against the Palestinian people ( Bachner, 2018 ; Dumper, 2018 ). By the end of August 2018, when the US Government announced its decision to completely defund UNRWA, commentators identified this as part of a strategy to force Palestinian refugees to rescind the Right of Return to Palestine (a right set out in UNGA Resolution 194). 4 Many noted that undermining the Agency’s capacity to

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A ‘special relationship’?

Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68

Jonathan Colman

This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

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Jonathan Colman

for the UK of trying to initiate peace negotiations, Wilson rejected Johnson’s request. Britain’s participation or otherwise in the Multilateral Force (MLF) was the final key topic of the summit. The British maintained opposition to the scheme by putting forward the diluted version of the project known as the Atlantic Nuclear Force (ANF). Johnson, in order to avoid any impression of an Anglo-American ‘fix’ to kill the scheme

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Jonathan Colman

crisis occasioned a great deal of concern on the part of the President, given the possibility that sterling might have to be devalued or that any rise in the Bank of England lending rate could precipitate a run on the dollar. There was also concern about the Multilateral Force (MLF), a matter due to be discussed at the planned summit meeting in Washington early in December. The MLF was a US-sponsored plan to create a mixed-manned NATO

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Geopolitical constraints and institutional innovation

The dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia

Sean Kay

2504Chap7 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 125 7 Geopolitical constraints and institutional innovation: the dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia1 Sean Kay This chapter assesses the relationship between traditional state-based security concerns and the development of multilateral institutions in Eurasia from 1992 to 2002. Multilateral institutions matter in Eurasia, but multilateral cooperation is highly contingent upon power relationships. Large states have used multilateral institutions to exert power and small states have used them to constrain larger ones. States

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Joshua B. Spero

, Army Lieutenant-General Wesley Clark, Army Lieutenant-General Daniel Christman and Air Force Lieutenant-General Richard Myers also provided key support for the PfP. As the senior civilian strategic planner, the author shaped the heart of the PfP evolution, developing, operationalising and implementing its many intricate and multilateral cooperative initiatives and enhancements in Europe and Eurasia from 1994 to 2000 in the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s Directorate for Strategic Plans and Policy. For published accounts of the phases of the US and PfP processes, see

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John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham

collapse, all FSU states remain wary of the Russian Federation’s intentions as it struggles to re-establish its lost regional leadership position. Yet the disintegration of the Soviet Russian empire did not obviate the numerous significant economic and security linkages among the FSU states and to Russia. Russia still possesses many resources with which to assert its Eurasian power interests. Russian authorities have used various means toward this end, promoting the CIS, participating in other Eurasian multilateral fora, and giving special attention to the country’s own